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WTO trade rounds |
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FAQs
on WTO Trade Round
1. What is a WTO trade round?
WTO (GATT) negotiations often process multilaterally by packages. That means,
WTO members negotiate on several trade-related issues simultaneously in a certain
period of time. The agreements, which constitute the WTO rules, are typically
reached by consensus among all members. Such a period of negotiations forms
a WTO trade round.
A new trade round is often launched when WTO members realize limits of existing
rules in protecting their rights and facilitating trades. These limits may become
apparent when new problems stem from the existing trade or when international
trade develops into new areas. For example, the early GATT trade rounds dealt
mainly with tariff reductions. Consequently, only few tariff barriers are left
by the start of Tokyo Round. People then saw the influence of non-tariff barriers
against trade and launched the Tokyo Round (1973-1979) to discuss non-tariff
measures. Then with the development of trade into service and intellectual property
rights, the Uruguay Round from 1986 to 1994 further included issues in services
and intellectual property rights. Aware that GATT rules are limited to trade
in goods, the Uruguay Round also covered the topic of WTO's creation. The current
set of WTO rules was the outcome of Uruguay Round negotiations.
2. What are the advantages and
disadvantages of negotiation through trade round?
I. Advantages:
- The size of the package can mean more benefits because participants can
seek and secure advantages across a wide range of issues.
- In a package, the ability to trade-off different issues can make agreement
easier to reach because somewhere in the package there is something for everyone.
- Developing countries and other less powerful participants have a greater
chance of influencing the multilateral system in a trade round than in bilateral
relationships with major trading nations.
II. Disadvantages:
The simultaneous negotiation in different areas necessarily includes issues
that certain negotiator countries are reluctant to address. These issues serve
actually as conditions for the process of other issues beneficial to those countries.
This situation can put the developing countries at a disadvantage. The developing
ones are anxious to improve their economies through international trade. However,
the prerequisites in human rights and environment protection often make it difficult
for them to address the most urgent issues in economic growth.
3. A brief history of past trade
rounds
Because tariff was widely used as a tool to protect domestic industries and
generate revenue, the early trade rounds of GATT mainly focused on tariff issues.
Main trade rounds include:
I. The First Round at Geneva, Switzerland, from April to October 1947, where
the participants completed 123 negotiations and established 20 schedules containing
the tariff reductions and bindings that became an integral part of GATT.
II. The Second Round at Annecy, France, from April to August 1949, which led
to 5,000 tariff concession and the accession of ten more countries.
III. The Third Round at Torquay, England from September 1950 to April 1951,
which lead to 8,700 tariff concessions and accession of four more countries.
IV. The Fourth Round at Geneva in May 1956, which led to some $2.5 billion
worth of tariff reductions;
V. The Dillon Round from September 1960 to July 1962, which led to about 4,400
tariff concessions covering $4.9 billion of trade.
VI. The Kennedy Round from May 1964 to June 1967, which lead to concessions
covering an estimated total value of trade of about $40 billion.
VII. The Tokyo Round from September 1973 to November 1979 was a transitional
period, covering both tariff and non-tariff matters. In tariff issues, it talked
about tariff reduction and bindings that covered more than $300 billion of trade
in almost 5 years. It also resulted in a number of agreements in such non-tariff
issues as subsidy, dumping, government procurement, technical barriers to trade,
customs valuation, import licensing, civil aircraft, dairy and bovine meat.
VIII. The Uruguay Round from September 20, 1986 to April 15, 1994, further
included tariffs and non-tariffs measures, rules, services, intellectual property,
dispute settlement, textiles, and agriculture. At the conclusion of the Uruguay
Round on April 15, 1994, GATT members signed the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing
the WTO in Marrakesh, Morocco. This Agreement defines the scope, functions and
structure of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
4. What are the traditional points
of divergence between developing and developed WTO members?
All the WTO members participate in this multilateral trade system with the
intention to enhance their own economy. The conflicts between developed and
developing members result from difference in their development stages. Although
developing countries far outnumber developed countries in WTO, developed countries
still demonstrate superior bargaining power.
Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) and environment issues are
two main points of divergence between the developing and developed members of
WTO.
TRIPs: As exports from developing countries come to yield trade surpluses,
developed countries take an effort to further open the developing countries.
They begin to seek stricter protection of their TRIPs. At present, over 90%
of the world's patents are in the control of developed countries. However, most
developing countries cannot afford patents and rely mainly on unauthorized copying
of the TRIPs in their production.
Environmental Issues: Developed countries always pursue the "sustainable
development" and implement bans and penalties on goods produced through
environmentally harmful processes. However, cheap labor and natural resources
are the only two resources for developing countries. As a result, developing
countries view environment degradation as inevitable in their economic growth.
They proposed that poverty is a greater problem than pollution. Since processing
activities (usually undertaken by developed countries) do less harm to environment
than extraction (usually undertaken by developing countries) while generating
more profits, developing countries argue that the developed members should also
pay the costs of environment pollution and subsidize the expense of undertaking
environmentally sound technologies on the part of developing countries.
5. What is the WTO Ministerial
Conference?
The WTO Ministerial Conference is the organization's highest-level decision-making
body. As required by the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the WTO, it meets
at least once every two years and can make decisions on all matters under any
of the multilateral agreements. Since the establishment of WTO, four ministerial
conferences have been held. They are:
- The 1st WTO Ministerial Conference in Singapore, 9-13 December 1996.
- The 2nd WTO Ministerial Conference in Geneva, Switzerland 18-20 May 1998.
- The 3rd WTO Ministerial Conference was held in Seattle, Washington State,
US, 30 November - 3 December 1999.
- The 4th WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar, 9 - 14 November 2001.
6. What is the "Seattle Collapse"?
What led to the collapse?
In early December 1999, WTO trade ministers convened in Seattle for the third
WTO Ministerial meeting. However, after a week marred by rancorous debate and
violent street protests, they failed to fulfill the original intention of launching
the ninth round of multilateral trade negotiations. This was a unique case in
the GATT and WTO history that members failed to launch a new round. In addition,
this failure has brought questions about the legitimacy of the trading system
itself. (Scott, J.J.2000)
In people's impression, the Seattle Collapse may be caused by the street protects,
which either claim for the priority of a certain group in WTO negotiations (e.g.
environmental protection, human rights, and labor standards) or doubt completely
the functions of WTO. Whereas, the real cause of collapse, the divisions between
"North and South", "East and West", lay inside the convention
center.
The North-South division means conflicts between developed and developing countries.
In Seattle ministerial, the developed countries intended to take new negotiations
at reducing the protectionism in developing countries and demanded to implement
trade rules agreed in the Uruguay Round, such as the TRIPs and Trade Related
Investment Measures (TRIMs). In contrast, the developing countries wanted to
address the barriers in developed countries (e.g., in agriculture, apparel,
and labor services) and revise the accords on TRIPs and TRIMs, in order to allow
them more time to implement the complex new rules in these areas. In negotiations
of services, each side put priorities in sectors of its own favor. The developing
countries argued for reducing barriers in labor and maritime services, while
the developed ones argued for such reduction in sectors like financial, air
transport, information, and professional services.
The East-West division means the disagreement among the major developed countries.
(Specifically, the United States, European Union, Japan, and Canada.) In agriculture,
the United States claimed on deep cuts in farm subsides, while European Union
and Japan resisted agricultural reforms. As to the antidumping rules, the European
Union joined Canada to insist reforms in antidumping rules with the United States.
At last, the contradiction of interests among these leading forces of WTO resulted
in their failure to lead the process of reaching the declaration of launching
a new trade round.
7. What are the major issues in
the current trade round?
The fourth WTO ministerial conference in Doha from 9-14 November, 2001 has
approved the WTO entry of China and Taipai and achieved the declaration of launching
a 3-year long negotiation round. Unlike the Seattle conference, this conference
paid attention to benefits of developing countries in the course of market liberalization.
Among existing WTO agreements there are "special and differential treatment
provisions" which give developing countries privileged rights and treatments.
These special provisions include:
- longer time periods for implementing agreements and commitments,
- measures to increase trading opportunities for these countries,
- provisions requiring all WTO members to safeguard the trade interests of
developing countries,
- financial and technical supports to help developing countries in handling
disputes, implementing technical standards, and building the infrastructure
for WTO programs.
There is strong text in the Doha Ministerial Declaration that the special and
differential treatment provisions shall be an integral part of all elements
of the negotiations. The new trade round will contain the following major issues:
I. Agriculture
The Doha Declaration agrees on negotiations aimed at reducing all forms of
export subsidies and trade-distorting domestic support. Although the declaration
does not commit the European Union to phase out its agriculture export subsidies,
it opens the way of reducing export subsidy. This issue also applies to the
export credits and food aid in the United States, thus can further reduce
the level of dumping in agriculture products.
II. Implementation - related issues, which include:
A. Textiles and Clothing
The Uruguay Round established a phasing out of textile quotas by the year
2005. After that, the developing countries have been complaining that developed
countries have delayed implementation of this phasing out until the last minutes.
With fierce resistance from U.S., the Doha Declaration requests the Council
for Trade in Goods to examine a range of proposals suggested by developing
countries.
B. Extension of some other timeframes.
There are other timeframes that developing countries are reluctant to meet.
For example, the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary
Measures, (ASA agreement) which came into force with the establishment of
the WTO, sets out the basic rules for food safety and animal and plant health
standards in international trade. WTO originally required application of the
measures until 1997 for developing countries and until 2000 for the least
developed countries. The Doha Declaration also agreed to extend the timeframe
for developing countries to comply with sanitary measures, and to consider
requests for other extensions in the areas of Trade Related Investment Measures
and Customs Valuation agreements. This agreement temporarily exclude developing
countries to worry about extra costs added to their exporting products.
III. TRIPs and public health
Although the U.S. and European Union intended to reach more restrictive patent
laws, the Doha conference maintained the original TRIP agreement. A separate
declaration on TRIPs and public health was reached in Doha. The statement
agrees that TRIPs can and should be interpreted and implemented in a manner
supportive of public health and favorable to access to medicines. Thus Doha
Ministerial singled out public health as a special issue for intellectual
property. In addition, the agreements also grant member countries "the
right to determine what constitutes a national emergency or other circumstances
of extreme urgency (e.g. public health crises, including those relating to
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other epidemics)". In such circumstances,
countries are permitted to waive TRIPs requirements for prior negotiation
with patent owners, prior to overriding a patent. Furthermore, WTO delayed
the implementation of TRIPs for least-developed countries (LDCs) until 2016.
IV. Singapore issues
The Singapore Ministerial in 1996 left four issues as follows:
a. Investment
Issues about trade related investors' rights. For example, whether investors'
right to use imported goods as inputs should depend on their export performance.
b. Competition
Monoplies and exclusive service suppliers are against the rules of WTO. WTO
members should secure fair competition in trade. And governments of different
countries have the rights to act against anti-competitive practices, and to
work together to limit these practices.
c. Transparency of government procurement
Favored government procurement may be an effective way to protect domestic
industries. To secure free trade, WTO also calls for enhancing the transparency
of government procurement.
d. Trade facilities
With the reduction of trade barriers, developed WTO members also calls for
the simplification of trade procedures, such as the provision of more information
about products and the construction of relevant infrastructures.
These issues remain one point of disagreement between developed and developing
countries. Developed countries want to address these issues as an effort to
enlarge their market access in the developing countries. However, developing
countries believed that such agreements could only add to their negotiation
burden without providing them much benefit. The Doha declaration further delayed
such negotiations after the fifth Ministerial.
V. Trade and Environment
There are about 200 international agreements outside the WTO dealing with
various environmental issues currently in force. They are called multilateral
environmental agreements (MEAs). With a view to enhancing the mutual supportiveness
of trade and environment, the Doha Ministerial agreed to negotiate upon:
a. the relationship between existing WTO rules and MEAs
b. procedures for regular information exchange between MEA Secretariats and
the relevant WTO committees, and the criteria for the granting of observer
status
c. the reduction/elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers to environmental
goods and services.
Emphasizing the importance of technical assistance and capacity building
in the field of trade and environment to developing countries, the Doha Ministerial
also encouraged WTO members to share expertise and experience for environmental
reviews at the national level.
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Keywords:
Accession into WTO, WTO & Trading Blocs, Trade round |
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Links
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The Economic Impact of China's Accession into the WTO |
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What is the impact of China's accession into WTO on FDI? |
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URL:
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US Scholar: China's WTO Entry Important for World Economy |
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URL:
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This article 'US Scholar: China's WTO Entry Important for World Economy' is about a speech delivered by Stephen R. Lewis, president and professor of economics of the Carleton College of Minnesota State of America. He said,"China's WTO entry is not only of great importance to its economic development in the future, but also of equal importance to the development of world economy and trade." |
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China's WTO Accession and Permanent Normal Trade Relations |
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URL:
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This article 'China's WTO Accession and Permanent Normal Trade Relations' is provided by Incongress. It is a speech delivered by Ambassador Charlene Barshefsky, and is possted on 05/03/00. It is a Testimony of Ambassador Charlene Barshefsky, U.S. Trade Representative
before the House Ways and Means Committee, Washington, D.C. on May 3, 2000. It's about the history of China's accession into WTO, China from evolution to reform, the role of US trade policy, China's accession, PNTR Human right and the rule of Law and WTO accession and American national security, etc. The speech worths attention for those who are interested in the issue. It says, " ...{the goal of the U.S. trade policy} have been to support Chinese domestic economic reform, integrate China into the Pacific regional economy, through a variety of means including commercially meaningful agreements that open opportunities for Americas."
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China Today |
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URL:
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References
Untitled Document
References related to Accession into WTO
(9 references
are shown.)
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China's accession to the WTO and its relationship to the Chinese Taipei accession and to Hong Kong and Macau, China
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Author:
Book: |
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Year:
March 2001 |
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The paper provides a brief history of China's withdrawal form GATT and application of being a WTO member. It also mentioned about the recent development of China and its relationship with Taiwna, Hong kong and Macau. |
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Remarks:
It is downlaodable at:
http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/acc_e/chinabknot_feb01.doc |
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China and WTO: The Politics Behind the Agreement
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Author:
Joseph Fewsmith Book: NBR Publication |
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Year:
November 1999 Vol: NBR Analysis: Vol. 10, No. 5: Essay 2 |
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Chinese leaders in favor of China’s greater integration into the world economy were thrown on the defensive in April by the U.S. rejection of China’s unprecedentedly forthcoming offer for joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and by the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May. The events of April and May raised the WTO issue from the already difficult arena of bureaucratic politics to the often brutal realm of elite politics. Although Premier Zhu Rongji bore the brunt of public criticism, President Jiang Zemin similarly came under attack by nationalistic opposition leaders for "selling out the country" and being soft on the United States. Jiang has spent much of the time since then defending himself and rebuilding support for joining the WTO. The Clinton Administration, realizing its miscalculation in April, similarly spent the next six months working to repair U.S.-China relations in order to bring China back to the negotiating table.
On November 15, 1999, the United States and China finally signed a landmark agreement on China’s accession to the WTO. Without the efforts from both China and the United States to repair the damage done in the spring, an agreement would have been delayed indefinitely. The agreement on China's entry into the WTO will rank with President Nixon’s 1972 visit to Beijing and President Carter’s extension of diplomatic recognition to China as a major step in bringing China into the world. It will help stabilize China’s relations with the major powersū most particularly the United Statesū and burnish Jiang Zemin’s (and perhaps Zhu Rongji’s) leadership credentials. Most importantly, it will reinforce domestic reform and lead China to play an increasingly constructive role in world affairs.
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Remarks:
site: http://www.nbr.org/publications/report.html |
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The Impact of WTO/PNTR on Chinese Politics
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Author:
Joseph Fewsmith
Book: NBR Publications
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Year:
July 2000 Vol: NBR Analysis: Vol. 11, No. 2: Essay 2 |
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Because granting permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) will enable U.S. firms to compete on an equal basis with their European and Asian counterparts once China accedes to the World Trade Organization (WTO), the debate in Congress has focused largely on whether PNTR will promote economic and political reform in China. Those opposed to PNTR are afraid that the United States will surrender its leverage and that therefore reform in China will slow. This study finds the opposite to be the case. The politics of U.S.-China relations and reform are examined at three levels: elite policymakers, intellectual "opinion makers," and the broader, mostly urban, public opinion. The survey indicates that passage of PNTR would have positive effects on all three levels for U.S.-China relations and the prospects for reform. Conversely, failure to support PNTR would have an enormous negative impact, not only on Sino-U.S. relations, but also on domestic reforms in China.
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Remarks:
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The Sino-EU Agreement on China's Accession to the WTO: Results of the Bilateral Negotiations
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Author:
Book: |
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Year:
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The paper is an overview of the results achieved by the EU in addition to the
Sino-US accord. Some of the issues covered did not form part of that agreement, while others had already been the subject of negotiations between China and other partners, but have been further improved by the EU. In both cases, the list below is confined to commitments which were secured explicitly by the European Union. |
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Remarks:
The paper is downloadable at:
http://europa.eu.int/comm/trade/bilateral/china/res.pdf |
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Assessing the Implications of Merchandise Trade: Liberalization in China’s Accession to WTO
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Author:
Elena Ianchovichina, Will Martin and Emiko Fukase Book: |
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Year:
July 2000 |
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China’s forthcoming accession to the WTO will be a turning point for China, and for the rest of the world. It involves reforms across a wide range of sectors in China, both in directly trade-related sectors and behind the border. The implications of these reforms are greatly influenced by the starting point — a partially reformed economy with relatively high import duties, but in which export sectors benefit from liberal duty exemptions on
the inputs used in the production of exports. China and its major trading partners are estimated to gain from accession, and some competing countries to suffer small losses. The adjustments required are greatly reduced by the liberalization that China has undertaken in the 1990s. A full evaluation of accession, and design of appropriate policy responses will require detailed analysis in a number of areas, including agricultural
policies, the proposed liberalization of clothing and textiles, safeguards mechanisms, and the automobile sector. |
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Remarks:
The paper is downloadable at:
http://www.pbec.org/speeches/2001/010205martin.pdf |
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Concluding China’s Accession to the WTO: The United States Congress and Permanent Most-Favored Nation Status for China
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Author:
Alan S. Alexandroff Book: Prepared for the Journal of International Law and Foreign Affairs, UCLA |
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Year:
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This paper is about the fashioning of America’s China policy. It examines a key component of U.S.-China policy – the terms for the accession of China to the multilateral World Trade Organization (WTO). In particular it examines by whom, and how, such an
accession is likely to receive United States approval. As with trade policy generally, American support for China’s accession to the WTO will require not just Administration backing but the approval of Congress. Curiously though, the Administration does not require
congressional approval to accept the Protocol of Accession – the terms for Chinese entry to the WTO. Instead the legislative history of trade policy, and in particular the extension of
permanent MFN, has led to the requirement, for all practical purposes, of congressional approval for China’s entry to the WTO. |
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Remarks:
It is downloadable in pdf format at:
http://www.utoronto.ca/cis/uclalan.pdf |
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China's Agriculture and WTO Acccession
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Author:
D. Gale Johnson Book: The University of Chicago
Paper No. 00-02 |
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Year:
June 2000 |
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There are 2 major objectives for this article. The first is to evaluate the
short term effects of WTO accession on China's agriculture - the effects over
the next five years or so. The second is to address the much more significant
economic adjustments that economic growth will impose on agriculture and the rural sector over the coming decades. |
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Remarks:
The article is downloadable in pdf format.
http://www.src.uchicago.edu/users/gjohn/wto.pdf |
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China's WTO Accession Boost US Ag Exports and Farm Income
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Author:
Book: Agricultural Outlook
Economic Research Service/USDA |
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Year:
March 2000 |
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This article is about the impact of China's accession into WTO on US agricultural exports. The article has mentioned the barriers reduced because
of the accession, the projected statistical data on China's agricultural imports are provided. |
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Remarks:
This article is downloadable in pdf format at the site: http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/agoutlook/mar2000/ao269e.pdf |
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Seattle conference achieves little
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Author:
Li Bian Book: Beijing Review |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 42, Iss. 51; pg. 8 |
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A report on the Third Ministerial Conference of the WTO, held in Seattle in Dec 1999, is presented. China hopes to join the WTO as soon as possible and forcefully presented its case that China's entry would be a great contribution to the multilateral trading system and lend strong support to the new round of global trade talks. |
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References related to WTO & Trading Blocs
(27 references
are shown.)
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Financial Crises in Emerging Markets: A Canonical Model
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Author:
Chang,Roberto; Velasco,Andres Book: National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper |
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Year:
1998 Vol: 6606, pages 41.
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This paper present a simple model that can account for the main features of recent financial crises in emerging markets. The international illiquidity of the domestic financial system is at the center of the problem. Illiquid banks are a necessary and a sufficient condition for financial crises to occur. Domestic financial liberalization and capital flows from abroad (especially if short term) can aggravate the illiquidity of banks and increase their vulnerability to exogenous shocks and shifts in expectations. A bank collapse multiplies the harmful effects of an initial shock, as a credit squeeze and costly liquidation of investment projects cause real output drops and collapses in asset prices. Under fixed exchange rates, a run on banks becomes a run on the currency if the Central Bank attempts to act as a lender of last resort. |
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Financial Liberalization and International Capital Mobility of Taiwan: A Regime-Switching Approach
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Author:
Ho, Tsung wu Book: Asian-Economic-Journal |
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Year:
1999 Vol: 13(4), pages 407-17.
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In this paper, the relationship between investment and saving rates is embedded in a Markov regime-switching framework where parameters are subject to switching between two different cointegration regimes. The fact that Taiwan has been experiencing a series of financial liberalization policies since 1979 justified the use of a two-state first-order regime-switching model to estimate the model. Evidence from transition probabilities shows that since the late 1970s, the regime of high degree of capital mobility has probabilistically dominated the regime of low degree of capital mobility, which implies that Taiwan's domestic capital market has been more mobile internationally.
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Bank Lending Behaviour under a Liquidity Constraint
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Author:
Hatakeda,Takashi Book: Japan-and-the-World-Economy |
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Year:
2000 Vol: 12(2),pages 127-41. |
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This paper proposes a new model of bank lending behaviour, in which there are three possible regimes under asymmetric information. It has found empirical evidence for the existence of the third regime, in which banks lend under their liquidity constraint. In this regime, both the land price index and bank capital have large and positive effects on bank loans. On the other hand, the call rate and economic activity (real GDP) have negative effects. Moreover, it gives a new understanding of how financial liberalization and the regulation of bank capital also affect bank lending behaviour. |
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Politics, Society and Financial Liberalization: Turkey in the 1900s
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Author:
Cizre Sakallioglu, Umit; Yeldan, Erinc Book: Development-and-Change |
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Year:
2000 Vol: 31(2),pages 481-508. |
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This article focuses on the political economy of Turkey in the 1990s to illustrate the importance of analysing economic variables that intersect with the quality of political democracy. In 1989, the debt-ridden state moved to systematically and completely deregulate Turkey's financial markets. Together with the ongoing processes of liberalizing commodity markets and integrating with global capital markets, financial liberalization was expected to achieve fiscal and monetary stability, stimulate business confidence to invest in productive sectors, produce stable growth, encourage privatization and control inflation. However, the new hegemony of the capital markets has gone hand-in-hand with deteriorating macroeconomic performance, a worsening income distribution, the discrediting of politics and its isolation from society. The authors examine several key dynamics which are helping to legitimate the neoliberal agenda of the 1990s. These include the distribution of state largesse to manipulate electoral capitalism; the rise of an informal sector in the "Anatolian Tigers"; promotion of the seductive attractions of the market; and an antipolitical reform populism adopted by political actors to exploit popular disillusionment with the political system.
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An Introduction to the Symposium
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Author:
Rosefielde,Steven; Stein,Howard
Book: Eastern-Economic-Journal |
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Year:
1999 Vol: 25(4),pages 379-87. |
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This paper presents an introduction to the EEJ symposium. It initially focuses on the problems that have arisen in the wake of the ascendancy of the neo-liberal model into the realm of international Policymaking. Liberalization, privatization, and stabilization have been introduced with little regard to the stages, history, organizational capabilities and institutional settings of individual developing and transitional economies. Although liberalization engenders shifts in political and economic power, the architects of reform have failed to concern themselves with the potential implications to social structures of countries. The introduction focuses on three issues that concatenate the papers in the symposium: problems with property rights, theoretical and practical problems with the stabilization model, and the weaknesses embedded in the theory underlying financial liberalization. In the conclusions, they briefly point the way to alternatives to orthodox reform.
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The Changing Role of Financial Intermediation in Europe
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Author:
Dufey,Gunter Book: International-Journal-of-Business |
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Year:
1998 Vol: 3(1),pages 49-67. |
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After a review of factors such as technology and the related policy toward financial liberalization that has affected financial institutions worldwide, this paper focuses on changes in Continental Europe. We identify and review three driving forces: (a) European integration, (b) the factors that cause a growth of securities markets, and (c) financial innovation. The paper arrives at the conclusion that there will be significant changes in the European financial system in terms of the growth of securities markets but that this growth will center on bank-affiliated institutions that will strengthen their position within national markets. In contrast, there will be relatively little impact via cross-border mergers and acquisitions in the banking sector. Finally, the paper suggests some implications for corporate governance, which will not change unless government policy makes the system of financial intermediation more contestable by outsiders and creates the pre-conditions for an effective corporate control.
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Comparing Regional Integration in Non-identical Twins: APEC and the FTAA
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Author:
Feinberg, Richard
Book: Integration and Trade |
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Year:
2000 Vol: 4(10), pages 3-30.
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Both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) owe their origins to common factors, including a more relaxed international environment, market-driven integration, and more conducive national development models. Yet, both regional integration schemes faced opposition, and in striking parallels, final decisions were dependent upon special historical circumstances and leadership choices. The two regional trade projects share a similar agenda of issues, do not challenge global market integration and target identical end dates. The FTAA adheres to traditional reciprocal bargaining, while APEC prefers an "Asian" unilateral voluntarism suited to APEC's less harmonious politics. The FTAA benefits from assistance from existing regional organizations, enjoys a greater clarity of objectives and crispness of negotiating modalities, and generally stands on firmer ground. As part of larger regional community-building projects, the two trading arrangements are accompanied by a multitude of development initiatives. Despite some tangible accomplishments, both processes have been frustrated by the inherent logic of weak institutionalization. Both trade-centric processes have tackled labor and environmental matters unlinked to trade sanctions. In their treatment of political and security issues, APEC and Western Hemisphere summitry differ starkly. |
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The WTO After Seattle
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Author:
Jefferey J. Schott Book: The WTO After Seattle (edited by Jefferey J. Schott) |
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Year:
2000 Vol: pages 3 - 40 |
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This book was written after the Seattle Collapse of WTO. It explores the reasons for the failure to launch a new trade round in Seattle. For the further progress of WTO negotiations, it provides the interests of major nations in WTO, the suggested issues to pursue for the aim of a new round, and the improvement istitution issues for WTO. |
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Second-Best Linkages and the Gains from Global Reform of Manufactures Trade
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Author:
Hertel, Thomas W.; Martin, Will
Book: Review of International Economics |
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Year:
2001 Vol: 215-32 |
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The Uruguay Round's built-in agenda for future WTO negotiations omitted further liberalization in manufactures, yet this paper shows that there are large potential gains to be had from such tariff cuts, especially in the developing countries. In order to fully estimate the benefits of adding industrial products to a future multilateral trade round, we need to take into account the levels of protection in other sectors--most notably agriculture and services--in which many trade flows are highly distorted. This paper examines the nature of the second-best linkages among sectors using a balance-of-trade function approach. The importance of these linkages is evaluated using a numerical general equilibrium model. It is found that, in most cases, the second-best spillovers do not greatly affect the results, implying that the estimated gains from manufacturing reforms will be largely independent of their sequencing. However, in a few regions, most notably the EU, the second-best effects play a significant role.
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Developing Countries and a New Trade Round
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Author:
Hiemenz, Ulrich
Book: Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik |
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Year:
2000 Vol: 49(1), 2000, pages 70-81 |
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The paper by Ulrich Hiemenz argues that a better integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system is a key challenge at the beginning of the new millennium. He emphasises that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the WTO would provide a window of opportunity for all participating countries to improve their living standards through better market access, greater domestic efficiency and higher productivity. Developing countries could even benefit more from further trade liberalisation than industrialised countries, provided they implement the domestic policy reforms necessary to capture these benefits.
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Seattle and beyond: The WTO Millennium Round
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Author:
Grady, Patrick; Macmillan, Kathleen
Book: Ottawa: Global Economics |
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Year:
1999 Vol: pages xvi, 165 |
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Provides an economic discussion of the key issues likely to arise in the World Trade Organization Millennium Round of multilateral trade negotiations. Covers issues of tariff reductions; nontariff barriers; regional trade agreements; agriculture; services; government procurement; electronic commerce; antidumping, subsidies, and countervailing measures; investment; the extraterritorial application of one country's laws to another; intellectual property; the treatment of cultural products; the environment; labor standards; the dispute settlement mechanisms; and accession to the World Trade Organization. Considers where the trade round may be headed. Grady is an economics consultant and the president of Global Economics. Macmillan is the president of International Trade Policy Consultants. |
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The world trading system: The Uruguay Round and beyond (New York: St. Martin's Press; London: Macmillan Press)
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Author:
McDonald, Brian
Book: |
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Year:
1998 Vol: Pages xii, 319 |
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Describes and analyzes the outcome of the Uruguay Round trade negotiations, which led to the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994. Reviews the development of the global trading system, discussing trade theory and policy, the role of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, institutional issues and the WTO, developing countries in the trading system, and regional trade arrangements. Evaluates the results of the Uruguay Round with regard to tariffs, antidumping, subsidies and countervailing duties, safeguards, technical barriers to trade, and government procurement; the textile, civil-aircraft, steel, information-technology, agriculture, and services sectors; and trade-related intellectual property rights and trade-related investment measures. Addresses major issues that the WTO will have to deal with in the coming years: trade and the environment, foreign direct investment, trade and labor standards, and international rules on competition. McDonald has been an official of the European Commission since 1973 and is currently based in Brussels.
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From here to free trade: Essays in post-Uruguay Round trade strategy
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Author:
Preeg, Ernest H Book: Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies |
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Year:
1998 Vol: pages xi, 154 |
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Six essays, five previously published and revised, consider what sort of comprehensive trade strategy the United States should formulate to meet new circumstances engendered by the opening of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. Papers focus on a net assessment of the impact of economic globalization on U.S. interests; the post-Uruguay Round free trade debate; issues involved in the creation of a Transatlantic Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA); NAFTA, preparations for a Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), and compatibility with the trade-liberalizing policy objectives of the WTO; the triad of interregional relationships comprising the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the New Transatlantic Agenda, and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM); and the desirability of a multilateral/regional synthesis based on an extension and integration of regional free trade groupings, featuring a TAFTA initiative as the key catalytic step. Preeg holds the William Scholl Chair in International Business at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Index.
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Another round
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Author:
Tom Holland Book: Far Eastern Economic Review |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 47; pg. 24, 1 pgs |
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The next round of international trade liberalization talks is scheduled to last 3 years. No one connected with the forthcoming negotiations - dubbed the Doha Development Agenda at November's World Trade Organization Meeting - believes the January 1, 2005 target is attainable. The precedents are hardly encouraging. The last trade liberalization round, the Uruguay round, dragged on for 6 years. With the WTO's membership swollen to 144 following the addition of China and Taiwan, it is overly optimistic to expect a deal within 3 years, especially given the tabling of knotty issues like intellectual property rights and increasing demands for inclusion by non-governmental organizations. Inevitably, different interest groups will emerge. Yet despite the tangle of conflicting interests, East Asia's priority in the initial stages of the negotiations will be straightforward.
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Talk is cheap
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Author:
Tom Holland Book: Far Eastern Economic Review |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 46; pg. 64, 1 pgs |
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The talks at this month's WTO ministerial meeting in Doha were never going to be a straightforward affair. To clear the way for a new round of negotiations on trade liberalization, delegates needed to overcome a clutch of key obstacles: Europe's stand on environmental standards and its agricultural subsidies; U.S. antidumping regulations and its agricultural subsidies; U.S. antidumping regulations and its barriers to foreign textile imports; and African countries' demands for access to cheap versions of patented drugs.
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China gains admittance to WTO; new round of talks launched
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Author:
Neil Franz Book: Chemical Week |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 163, Iss. 43; pg. 13, 1 pgs |
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China was admitted into the World Trade Organization last week at a conference in Doha, Qatar, after 15 years of negotiations. WTO has also launched a new round of trade negotiations that are expected to last three years and be aimed at lowering chemical and other tariffs. Industry groups, including those in the US, strongly support the new round of trade talks.
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Do-It-Yourself Labor Standards
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Author:
Aaron Bernstein Book: Business Week |
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Year:
2001 Vol: November 19, 2001, Iss. 3758 |
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Even if the WTO can overcome security fears and conflicting agendas, it will not get near an agreement about global labor and environmental standards - 2 sticking points that have blocked a new trade round since the 1999 fiasco in Seattle. Yet as governments continue to squabble, outlines for some standards are taking shape. The movement is being driven by Western corporations and the factories in developing countries that supply them. Spurred by incessant complaints from consumer and human rights groups, more companies are deciding they have little choice but to commit to some sets of standards under debate at the WTO.
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Finance And Economics: A deal at Doha?; World Trade Organisation
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Author:
n/a Book: The Economist |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Nov 3, 2001; pg. 90 |
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Next weekend Qatar will host hundreds of trade ministers and officials at the biennial meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Security concerns have slimmed delegations and scared off hangers on (Qatar is only 1,000 miles from Afghanistan and full of workers from other Muslim countries). But, so far, none of the WTO's 142 members has pulled out. Their goal is to launch a new trade round, successor to the Uruguay round that ended in 1994 and created the WTO.
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The World Trade Organisation: the events and impact of Seattle 1999
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Author:
Hoad, Darren Book: Environmental Politics |
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Year:
2000 Vol: Vol. 9, Iss. 4; pg. 123 |
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The Third Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation intended by some governments to set up a mew round of trade liberalisation negotiations, collapsed dramatically in Seattle, amidst scenes of civil unrest not seen in the United States since the civil rights and anti-war protests of the 1960s. Forty thousand protesters took to the streets of Seattle, whilst many more campaigned in towns and cities around the world. The WTO talks, attended by 134 member governments, were a planned review of previous trade agreements (the built-in agenda), most notably those signed during the Uruguay round of GATT (General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs) and an attempt to establish a new agenda for trade negotiations in the future, the so-called Millennium Round [Williams and Ford, 1999]. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
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Welfare costs of the US antidumping and countervailing duty laws
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Author:
Michale P Gallaway Book: Journal of International Economics |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 49, Iss. 2; pg. 211 |
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The antidumping (AD) and countervailing duty (CVD) laws in the US have become the most pervasive form of import relief sought by domestic producers. This paper estimates the collective economic effect of the hundreds of active US AD/CVD orders. Using a computable general equilibrium model, it is estimated that the collective net economic welfare cost in 1993 of these orders to be $4 billion. This welfare estimate is sensitive to various modeling assumptions, which are explored in the paper. With the implementation of the Uruguay Round Agreements, the AD/CVD laws remain one of the costliest programs restraining US trade.
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The effects of the Uruguay Round: empirical evidence from U.S. industry
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Author:
Mutti, John; Sampson, Rachelle; Yeung, Bernard
Book: Contemporary Economic Policy |
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Year:
2000 Vol: Vol. 18, Iss. 1; pg. 59 |
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This article uses an event study to evaluate the anticipated results of the Uruguay Round on U.S. industry. Economists commonly use computable general equilibrium (CGE) models to predict the net economic efficiency effects of trade agreements. The event study method represents a complementary approach that relies on stock price movements to assess how investors predict that an event, in this case the conclusion of the Uruguay Round, will affect industry profitability. The empirical estimates indicate that U.S. industries with comparative advantage (disadvantage) experience positive (negative) stock price reactions, reflecting an increase (a decrease) in the industry trade and investment opportunities as well as an increased (decreased) return to existing tangible and intangible assets. For the market as a whole, the variation in stock prices does not differ significantly from zero, and the economic magnitude of industry gains and losses is small. These results are consistent with most CGE assessments and with the skeptical attitude that the real impact of the Uruguay Round Agreement remains uncertain. (JEL F13, F2) Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
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Lessons from the Uruguay Round negotiations on investment
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Author:
Mina Mashayekhi; Murray Gibbs Book: Journal of World Trade |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 33, Iss. 6; pg. 1 |
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The negotiations in the Uruguay Round and subsequently in the World Trade Organization on investment issues are reviewed, with the objective of drawing lessons which would be relevant for future consideration of this issue in the WTO. Historical background is provided by examining the major steps in the negotiations of the Trade-Related Investment Measures and General Agreement on Trade in Services Agreements in chronological order. Specific elements of these negotiations which seem most relevant to the future are the focus. Reference is made to the negotiations on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, where relevant.
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The Battle in Seattle: The Story Behind and Beyond the WTO Demonstrations
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Author:
Duncan Stewart Book: Library Journal |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 126, Iss. 6; pg. 118, 1 pgs |
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Professional journalist and amateur activist [Thomas, Janet] gives a breathless eyewitness account of the 1999 anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle. Like the demonstrators themselves, this book combines postmodern media savvy and a seemingly naive belief in the power of individuals to combat economic globalization.
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WTO meeting leads to agreement for further trade negotiations
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Author:
Anonymous Book: Chemical Market Reporter |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 260, Iss. 19; pg. 26, 2 pgs |
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Trade ministers representing over 140 countries that met last week at the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference agreed to a declaration launching new multilateral trade negotiations. The agenda calls for a three-year negotiation, to be concluded by 2005, covering a variety of areas affecting international business and commerce, such as agriculture, services, industrial tariffs, investment and environmentally harmful fishing subsidies. The ministers also approved a separate political declaration regarding patent rules and public health and a decision addressing developing country concerns related to their commitments to previous WTO agreements and technical assistance.
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Why the world needs a new round of trade talks
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Author:
Mike Moore Book: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Devel |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Iss. 226/227; pg. 34, 2 pgs
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The world, and in particular its poorest nations, needs a new round of multilateral trade negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and the multilateral trading system will survive if we do not launch a round of talks at the fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar in November. But the new round is not for the WTO or for the sake of any institution. Rather, relaunching the talks will mean being able to avoid further delay in tackling the pressing problems that confront the global economy, and particularly the economies of the smallest and most vulnerable nations.
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Seattle conference achieves little
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Author:
Li Bian Book: Beijing Review |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 42, Iss. 51; pg. 8 |
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A report on the Third Ministerial Conference of the WTO, held in Seattle in Dec 1999, is presented. China hopes to join the WTO as soon as possible and forcefully presented its case that China's entry would be a great contribution to the multilateral trading system and lend strong support to the new round of global trade talks. |
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No sleep after Seattle
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Author:
Gavin McFarlane Book: Accounting & Business |
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Year:
2000 Vol: Vol. 3, Iss. 2; pg. 14 |
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The organizers of the World Trade Organization ministerial conference in Seattle, Washington, in November 1999 simply had not been prepared for the thousands of demonstrators who had travelled from all over the world to make their views known. A major schism had been opening up in the WTO membership since the end of the previous Uruguay GATT round, and the tensions finally erupted in Seattle. The demonstrators were made up of a wide range of non governmental organizations which are implacably opposed to the further extension of free trade. The WTO has lost much of the momentum which had carried it forward since its establishment at the end of World War II. All sessions should be opened up to the public, including the deliberations of the dispute resolution forum. Representatives of interested organizations should not be able to infiltrate the discussions of so called committees of experts.
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Untitled Document
References related to Trade round
(17 references
are shown.)
Untitled Document
 |
The WTO After Seattle
|
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Author:
Jefferey J. Schott Book: The WTO After Seattle (edited by Jefferey J. Schott) |
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Year:
2000 Vol: pages 3 - 40 |
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This book was written after the Seattle Collapse of WTO. It explores the reasons for the failure to launch a new trade round in Seattle. For the further progress of WTO negotiations, it provides the interests of major nations in WTO, the suggested issues to pursue for the aim of a new round, and the improvement istitution issues for WTO. |
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Remarks:
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Second-Best Linkages and the Gains from Global Reform of Manufactures Trade
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Author:
Hertel, Thomas W.; Martin, Will
Book: Review of International Economics |
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Year:
2001 Vol: 215-32 |
| |
The Uruguay Round's built-in agenda for future WTO negotiations omitted further liberalization in manufactures, yet this paper shows that there are large potential gains to be had from such tariff cuts, especially in the developing countries. In order to fully estimate the benefits of adding industrial products to a future multilateral trade round, we need to take into account the levels of protection in other sectors--most notably agriculture and services--in which many trade flows are highly distorted. This paper examines the nature of the second-best linkages among sectors using a balance-of-trade function approach. The importance of these linkages is evaluated using a numerical general equilibrium model. It is found that, in most cases, the second-best spillovers do not greatly affect the results, implying that the estimated gains from manufacturing reforms will be largely independent of their sequencing. However, in a few regions, most notably the EU, the second-best effects play a significant role.
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Developing Countries and a New Trade Round
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Author:
Hiemenz, Ulrich
Book: Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik |
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Year:
2000 Vol: 49(1), 2000, pages 70-81 |
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The paper by Ulrich Hiemenz argues that a better integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system is a key challenge at the beginning of the new millennium. He emphasises that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the WTO would provide a window of opportunity for all participating countries to improve their living standards through better market access, greater domestic efficiency and higher productivity. Developing countries could even benefit more from further trade liberalisation than industrialised countries, provided they implement the domestic policy reforms necessary to capture these benefits.
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Remarks:
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Seattle and beyond: The WTO Millennium Round
|
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Author:
Grady, Patrick; Macmillan, Kathleen
Book: Ottawa: Global Economics |
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Year:
1999 Vol: pages xvi, 165 |
| |
Provides an economic discussion of the key issues likely to arise in the World Trade Organization Millennium Round of multilateral trade negotiations. Covers issues of tariff reductions; nontariff barriers; regional trade agreements; agriculture; services; government procurement; electronic commerce; antidumping, subsidies, and countervailing measures; investment; the extraterritorial application of one country's laws to another; intellectual property; the treatment of cultural products; the environment; labor standards; the dispute settlement mechanisms; and accession to the World Trade Organization. Considers where the trade round may be headed. Grady is an economics consultant and the president of Global Economics. Macmillan is the president of International Trade Policy Consultants. |
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The world trading system: The Uruguay Round and beyond (New York: St. Martin's Press; London: Macmillan Press)
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Author:
McDonald, Brian
Book: |
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Year:
1998 Vol: Pages xii, 319 |
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Describes and analyzes the outcome of the Uruguay Round trade negotiations, which led to the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994. Reviews the development of the global trading system, discussing trade theory and policy, the role of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, institutional issues and the WTO, developing countries in the trading system, and regional trade arrangements. Evaluates the results of the Uruguay Round with regard to tariffs, antidumping, subsidies and countervailing duties, safeguards, technical barriers to trade, and government procurement; the textile, civil-aircraft, steel, information-technology, agriculture, and services sectors; and trade-related intellectual property rights and trade-related investment measures. Addresses major issues that the WTO will have to deal with in the coming years: trade and the environment, foreign direct investment, trade and labor standards, and international rules on competition. McDonald has been an official of the European Commission since 1973 and is currently based in Brussels.
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From here to free trade: Essays in post-Uruguay Round trade strategy
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Author:
Preeg, Ernest H Book: Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies |
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Year:
1998 Vol: pages xi, 154 |
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Six essays, five previously published and revised, consider what sort of comprehensive trade strategy the United States should formulate to meet new circumstances engendered by the opening of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. Papers focus on a net assessment of the impact of economic globalization on U.S. interests; the post-Uruguay Round free trade debate; issues involved in the creation of a Transatlantic Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA); NAFTA, preparations for a Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), and compatibility with the trade-liberalizing policy objectives of the WTO; the triad of interregional relationships comprising the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the New Transatlantic Agenda, and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM); and the desirability of a multilateral/regional synthesis based on an extension and integration of regional free trade groupings, featuring a TAFTA initiative as the key catalytic step. Preeg holds the William Scholl Chair in International Business at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Index.
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Another round
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Author:
Tom Holland Book: Far Eastern Economic Review |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 47; pg. 24, 1 pgs |
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The next round of international trade liberalization talks is scheduled to last 3 years. No one connected with the forthcoming negotiations - dubbed the Doha Development Agenda at November's World Trade Organization Meeting - believes the January 1, 2005 target is attainable. The precedents are hardly encouraging. The last trade liberalization round, the Uruguay round, dragged on for 6 years. With the WTO's membership swollen to 144 following the addition of China and Taiwan, it is overly optimistic to expect a deal within 3 years, especially given the tabling of knotty issues like intellectual property rights and increasing demands for inclusion by non-governmental organizations. Inevitably, different interest groups will emerge. Yet despite the tangle of conflicting interests, East Asia's priority in the initial stages of the negotiations will be straightforward.
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Talk is cheap
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Author:
Tom Holland Book: Far Eastern Economic Review |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 46; pg. 64, 1 pgs |
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The talks at this month's WTO ministerial meeting in Doha were never going to be a straightforward affair. To clear the way for a new round of negotiations on trade liberalization, delegates needed to overcome a clutch of key obstacles: Europe's stand on environmental standards and its agricultural subsidies; U.S. antidumping regulations and its agricultural subsidies; U.S. antidumping regulations and its barriers to foreign textile imports; and African countries' demands for access to cheap versions of patented drugs.
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China gains admittance to WTO; new round of talks launched
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Author:
Neil Franz Book: Chemical Week |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 163, Iss. 43; pg. 13, 1 pgs |
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China was admitted into the World Trade Organization last week at a conference in Doha, Qatar, after 15 years of negotiations. WTO has also launched a new round of trade negotiations that are expected to last three years and be aimed at lowering chemical and other tariffs. Industry groups, including those in the US, strongly support the new round of trade talks.
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Finance And Economics: A deal at Doha?; World Trade Organisation
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n/a Book: The Economist |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Nov 3, 2001; pg. 90 |
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Next weekend Qatar will host hundreds of trade ministers and officials at the biennial meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Security concerns have slimmed delegations and scared off hangers on (Qatar is only 1,000 miles from Afghanistan and full of workers from other Muslim countries). But, so far, none of the WTO's 142 members has pulled out. Their goal is to launch a new trade round, successor to the Uruguay round that ended in 1994 and created the WTO.
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Welfare costs of the US antidumping and countervailing duty laws
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Author:
Michale P Gallaway Book: Journal of International Economics |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 49, Iss. 2; pg. 211 |
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The antidumping (AD) and countervailing duty (CVD) laws in the US have become the most pervasive form of import relief sought by domestic producers. This paper estimates the collective economic effect of the hundreds of active US AD/CVD orders. Using a computable general equilibrium model, it is estimated that the collective net economic welfare cost in 1993 of these orders to be $4 billion. This welfare estimate is sensitive to various modeling assumptions, which are explored in the paper. With the implementation of the Uruguay Round Agreements, the AD/CVD laws remain one of the costliest programs restraining US trade.
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The effects of the Uruguay Round: empirical evidence from U.S. industry
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Author:
Mutti, John; Sampson, Rachelle; Yeung, Bernard
Book: Contemporary Economic Policy |
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Year:
2000 Vol: Vol. 18, Iss. 1; pg. 59 |
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This article uses an event study to evaluate the anticipated results of the Uruguay Round on U.S. industry. Economists commonly use computable general equilibrium (CGE) models to predict the net economic efficiency effects of trade agreements. The event study method represents a complementary approach that relies on stock price movements to assess how investors predict that an event, in this case the conclusion of the Uruguay Round, will affect industry profitability. The empirical estimates indicate that U.S. industries with comparative advantage (disadvantage) experience positive (negative) stock price reactions, reflecting an increase (a decrease) in the industry trade and investment opportunities as well as an increased (decreased) return to existing tangible and intangible assets. For the market as a whole, the variation in stock prices does not differ significantly from zero, and the economic magnitude of industry gains and losses is small. These results are consistent with most CGE assessments and with the skeptical attitude that the real impact of the Uruguay Round Agreement remains uncertain. (JEL F13, F2) Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
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Lessons from the Uruguay Round negotiations on investment
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Author:
Mina Mashayekhi; Murray Gibbs Book: Journal of World Trade |
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Year:
1999 Vol: Vol. 33, Iss. 6; pg. 1 |
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The negotiations in the Uruguay Round and subsequently in the World Trade Organization on investment issues are reviewed, with the objective of drawing lessons which would be relevant for future consideration of this issue in the WTO. Historical background is provided by examining the major steps in the negotiations of the Trade-Related Investment Measures and General Agreement on Trade in Services Agreements in chronological order. Specific elements of these negotiations which seem most relevant to the future are the focus. Reference is made to the negotiations on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, where relevant.
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The Battle in Seattle: The Story Behind and Beyond the WTO Demonstrations
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Author:
Duncan Stewart Book: Library Journal |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 126, Iss. 6; pg. 118, 1 pgs |
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Professional journalist and amateur activist [Thomas, Janet] gives a breathless eyewitness account of the 1999 anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle. Like the demonstrators themselves, this book combines postmodern media savvy and a seemingly naive belief in the power of individuals to combat economic globalization.
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WTO meeting leads to agreement for further trade negotiations
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Author:
Anonymous Book: Chemical Market Reporter |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Vol. 260, Iss. 19; pg. 26, 2 pgs |
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Trade ministers representing over 140 countries that met last week at the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference agreed to a declaration launching new multilateral trade negotiations. The agenda calls for a three-year negotiation, to be concluded by 2005, covering a variety of areas affecting international business and commerce, such as agriculture, services, industrial tariffs, investment and environmentally harmful fishing subsidies. The ministers also approved a separate political declaration regarding patent rules and public health and a decision addressing developing country concerns related to their commitments to previous WTO agreements and technical assistance.
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Why the world needs a new round of trade talks
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Author:
Mike Moore Book: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Devel |
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Year:
2001 Vol: Iss. 226/227; pg. 34, 2 pgs
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The world, and in particular its poorest nations, needs a new round of multilateral trade negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and the multilateral trading system will survive if we do not launch a round of talks at the fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar in November. But the new round is not for the WTO or for the sake of any institution. Rather, relaunching the talks will mean being able to avoid further delay in tackling the pressing problems that confront the global economy, and particularly the economies of the smallest and most vulnerable nations.
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No sleep after Seattle
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Author:
Gavin McFarlane Book: Accounting & Business |
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Year:
2000 Vol: Vol. 3, Iss. 2; pg. 14 |
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The organizers of the World Trade Organization ministerial conference in Seattle, Washington, in November 1999 simply had not been prepared for the thousands of demonstrators who had travelled from all over the world to make their views known. A major schism had been opening up in the WTO membership since the end of the previous Uruguay GATT round, and the tensions finally erupted in Seattle. The demonstrators were made up of a wide range of non governmental organizations which are implacably opposed to the further extension of free trade. The WTO has lost much of the momentum which had carried it forward since its establishment at the end of World War II. All sessions should be opened up to the public, including the deliberations of the dispute resolution forum. Representatives of interested organizations should not be able to infiltrate the discussions of so called committees of experts.
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