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Asian Monetary Cooperation
China's acession to the World Trade Organization (WTO)
Conditionality (of international donation and loans)
Covered and Uncovered Interest Parities
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Development Bank
Economic Research Forum
Exchange Rate Arrangements
Financial liberalization
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The leaders of Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
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  The leaders of Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
    APEC FAQ

Background Information of APEC
"Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) was established in 1989 in response to the growing interdependence among Asia-Pacific economies. Begun as an informal dialogue group, APEC has since become the primary regional vehicle for promoting open trade and practical economic cooperation. Its goal is to advance Asia-Pacific economic dynamism and sense of community. Today, APEC's 21 member economies had a combined Gross Domestic Product of over US$18 trillion in 1999 and 43.85 percent of global trade."

The chairmanship of APEC rotates annually among APEC members. The Chair is responsible for hosting the annual Ministerial meeting of foreign and economic ministers.

All the APEC activities are open to its member economies. Non-member economies, regional/international organizations as well as others can also participate in some of the activities as guests, subject to approval/agreement of APEC.

The Evolvement of APEC
According to Liu (1997), the evolvement of APEC can be divided into three phases. These phases, together with the most significant events in each of them, are listed as follows:

1. Birth and Childhood (1989-1991):

Advocated by Australia, APEC was established in its first Ministerial meeting in Canberra, Australia 1989. The Seoul APEC Declaration in the Third Ministerial Meeting in 1991 elucidated APEC's objectives (economic growth, liberalization, and multilateralism), scope of activities (including trade and investment etc.), mode of operation, rules for participation and organizational structure (annual Ministerial meeting and work groups).

2. Adolescence (1992-1994):

During this period, members through consultation defined the connotation, purpose and principles of APEC. From the First APEC Leaders Meeting in Seattle in 1993, the Leaders meeting has been held annually. Thus the decision-making mechanism of three layers (Leaders meetinga Ministerial meeting a high-level official meeting) was formed and regulated.

A historic event in this period was the Bogor Declaration of Common Resolve in the second Leaders Meeting, which proclaimed intention to turn APEC into a zone of free trade and investment by 2010/2020 for developed/developing members. Thus a timetable was set for trade and investment liberalization.

3. Proliferation and Accelerated Development (1995-present):

During this period APEC has started to enlarge the areas of economic and technical cooperation. There are two milestones in this period. The first is the 1995 Osaka Action Agenda in the seventh Ministerial meeting, which introduced a blueprint for liberalization and facilitation of trade and investment for carrying out economic and technical cooperation among APEC members. The second is the 1996 Manila Action Plan For APEC in the Eighth Ministerial Meeting, which included both a collective action plan and individual action plans of all 18 members at that time, as well as general guidelines to govern these plans.

What is China's attitude towards APEC?
Together with Taiwan and Hong Kong, China became an APEC member in 1991. APEC is the only regional economic cooperation institution China has participated in. Protesting that economic cooperation should proceed in multiple forms through multiple channels, China views APEC as a building block for global multilateralism and takes an active role in APEC. The 2001 APEC annual summit was held in Shanghai, in recognition of China's new place in the world economic order.

With the largest area in Asia and the biggest population in the world, as well as its rapid economic growth, China represents a large potential market and has strong influence on APEC. China insists the benefits of developing countries from international and regional cooperation and emphasizes on the following two aspects:
First, China urges APEC to take full consideration the divergent conditions of member economies. It confirms that developed countries should contribute more to help developing members catch up and to compensate for the costs of liberalization.

Second, developing and developed countries always have different objectives in their economic cooperation. Developing countries always want to benefit from economic and technical cooperation while developed countries just focus on liberalization to enlarge their markets. China promotes a parallel process of trade and investment liberalization as well as economic and technological cooperation based on equality, equity and mutual benefits (Jiang Zemin, Seattle Meeting).

What are the benefits and costs for China to participate in APEC?
China is motivated in APEC by a lot of benefits, both politically and economically.

First, most major trading partners of China exist in the Asian-Pacific region. Nowadays about 80% of China's external trade and about 90% of its capital inflow come from this region. Trade and investment liberalization within this region will largely benefit China.

Second, through economic and technical cooperation with other countries, China can improve not only its management and technology in production, but also its trade environment and relations with other countries.
Third, in the political aspects, APEC provides chances to engage in bilateral talks or negotiations about issues that China concerns. Furthermore, China hopes to form an untied frontier with other developing countries in APEC, against the criticisms from developed countries on sensitive issues such as the human rights issue.

An important issue was China's accession into WTO. APEC helps readjust China's both internal and external commercial environments for its WTO entry. APEC also raises China's negotiation power for WTO accession. China used its influence of the regional affairs to trade-off U.S. support for early accession to WTO. Besides, according to Hellmann and Pyle (1997), China stated that the bottom line for participation in APEC remains dependent on China's entry into WTO, therefore to some extent APEC members support China's entry into WTO.

However, to participate in APEC also means challenges to China, both in its production and trade policies. China has to continuously improve to keep its competitiveness. In the long run, the outside competitions would help the internal economic and political reform of China and reinforce its position in the APEC.

What is the relationship between Japan and APEC?
The economies of APEC are of great importance to Japan. A large portion of Japan's exports and foreign direct investments are destined to APEC members. Most of Japan's important political and economical partners are located within this region. Naturally, Japan is interested in the economic development of this region. It has donated 10 billion Yen (US$90 million) to fund programs that help developing members to advance liberalization. In addition, for each of the 10 fields APEC has been working on cooperation (e.g., communication, industrial technology and energy), Japan attaches importance to its participation.

On the other hand, as the only highly industrialized country in Asia Japan takes an important position in APEC. Japan played a behind-the-scenes role in urging the formation of APEC. Characterized by protectionism in its trade policy, Japan initially intended to use APEC as a vehicle to advance regional economic development rather than for the liberalization of trade and investment. In the face of U.S. demands for opening the Asian market, Japan generally sides with developing countries and emphasizes the reality of Asia to U.S.. The Osaca meeting chaired by Japan reached an agreement on how members carry out the "unilateral, non-coercive" formula for trade liberalization.

In recent years, especially after the Asian Financial Crisis, Japan still takes a leading role in APEC. However, there are arguments that the leading role of Japan is diminishing. (Deng, 1997). The major pressures to Japan's active participation in APEC come from domestic protectionists. One piece of evidence for this trend is that no Japanese representatives attended APEC CEO summit in Vancouver in 1997. Furthermore, the decline of Japan's share in global export market adds to this diminishing trend.

What is the relationship between the United States and APEC?
As the most powerful economy in the world, U.S. takes a vital role in APEC. It has largely helped the economic recovery of countries suffering the Asian financial crisis. In the year 2000, the United States imported nearly $700 billion worth of goods and services from other APEC economies.

On the other hand, the Asia-Pacific region is also of great importance to U.S. economy. Taking the year 1999 as an example, U.S. trade in goods with APEC totaled more than $1.132 trillion, which is worth two-thirds of U.S. trade with the world and one-tenth of U.S. GNP. In addition, most major trade partners of U.S. are located in this region. U.S. views APEC as an important vehicle to engage in the Asia-Pacific region and to open this big market. Therefore its main focus of APEC is the trade and investment liberalization and deregulation.

However, Japan, another dominant member of APEC, initially intended to construct APEC as a vehicle to enhance regional economic and technical cooperation rather than trade and investment liberalization. Taking advantage of U.S.'s chairmanship of APEC in 1993, the former U.S. President Bill Cliton invited APEC heads of state to meet and proclaimed the vital interest of U.S. in developing the free trade and democracy among the APEC members. In the next year (i.e., 1994), U.S. engineered the Bogor Declaration in the APEC summit in Indonesia. The declaration set timetables of trade and investment liberalization for developed and developing members respectively. Realizing that binding agreements and rules are not pragmatic for the wide diversity of Asian economies, the declaration decided that each member would fulfill the commitments in 'voluntary and unilateral' actions. (Ishizuka, 1996, pp. 25).

Presently, the strength of U.S. in APEC has being affected by its recessions. The U.S. protectionists are thus putting pressures on its involvement in APEC. Moreover, the rapid economic growth of China and ASEAN countries is challenging the U.S. leadership in APEC.

About the smaller members of APEC
Besides China, Japan and the U. S., there are 3 developed countries and 13 developing countries, 2 regions (Hong Kong and Taiwan) in APEC. A large part of the Asian, North American and Oceanic members joined APEC upon its establishment. While the Latin American members and Russia were attracted to join APEC in a later time by its successful performance.

For those developing countries, the APEC membership brings a lot of benefits. These benefits can be classified into two categories. The first is the trade and investment liberalization, which enlarges international markets for these countries and helps create new jobs. The second kind of benefits is the regional cooperation for development, including the technology transfer, human resources development, technical assistance, environment protection, and many other aspects.

On the other hand, the costs to these developing members in APEC may also be attributed to the trade and investment liberalization through reducing barriers in these fields. The low cost products from highly industrialized countries pose challenge to their domestic industries, which are still in an early development stage.

From this viewpoint, most developing members of APEC support the "Asian approach" of Japan to advance cooperation. The developed members, such as Canada and Australia, are proponents for the "Western approach" of U.S. to open the Asian markets. However, with their economic growth, many developing members have seen the needs for voluntarily reducing the trade and investment barriers. For example, Malaysia and Indonesia are implementing tariff reductions and investment liberalization on a substantial scale without being forced by outside pressures.

    Keywords: APEC, China, United States
     
 

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References
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References related to APEC (24 references are shown.)

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APEC and Its Open Regionalism: Success or Failure?

  Author: Carlowitz,Philipp; Goydke,Tim
Book: Aussenwirtschaft
  Year: 2001 Vol: 56(1), pages 69-97..
  This paper analyses the "Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC)" and its underlying theoretical concept of open regionalism. After analysing open regionalism on a theoretical basis we look at APEC's implementation record of the relevant features of open regionalism, i.e. unilateral, non-discriminating liberalisation, openness to new members, trade facilitation, and the informal, non-institutional, and voluntary nature of open regionalism. The authors come to the conclusion that a) open regionalism as a theoretical concepts has many flaws and inconsistencies, and b) that APEC has a fairly poor record in implementing the stated goals of open regionalism. It is, therefore, that APEC is not as unambiguously the type of regionalism that is complying to the multilateral goal of free trade as is sometimes claimed.
  Remarks:
   
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Has Trade Become More Integrated in the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Region?

  Author: Davidson, Brian
Book: Australasianf Journal of Regional Studies
  Year: 1999 Vol: 5(2), pages 213-28.
  In this study the degree of integration members of APEC have achieved is assessed using trade intensity indices. Trade intensity indices summarise information on the geographical, social and historical links two trading nations have, along with the particular commodity composition of their trade, relative to how they trade with the rest of the world. Indices are calculated for the period 1995-97 and compared with the results of an earlier study on the region. It was found that the APEC nations have a high degree of trade intensity with one another, which is not due to the complementary nature of the goods they produce. Further, it was found that this trading pattern existed well before the establishment of the APEC agreement.
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How Important Is APEC to China?

  Author: Yang, Yongzheng; Huang, Yiping
Book: Australian Economic Papers
  Year: 1999 Vol: 38(3), pages 328-42.
  APEC is an important forum for China to show its commitment to economic openness. Concerted trade liberalisation in the APEC region reduces the adverse terms of trade effect of China's own trade liberalisation. These help maintain the momentum of reform by reducing domestic resistance. APEC is not a stepping stone to WTO membership, but it gives China an opportunity to rally international support for its early entry into the WTO. However, APEC cannot substitute for WTO membership. This is not only because the WTO framework provides greater security for market access for Chinese exports as well as potentially larger gains to the Chinese economy, but also because it imposes legal bindings on China's trade policy once it becomes a member. In facilitating China's trade liberalisation, APEC and the WTO seems to be mutually re-enforcing. APEC prepares China for the WTO and the WTO accession pushes China to go along with the APEC process. Both APEC and WTO accession push forward domestic reform.
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Competition Policy in the Asian-Pacific Region

  Author: Lloyd,P.J.
Book: Asian Pacific Economic Literature
  Year: 2000 Vol: 14(2), pages 1-13.
  This paper surveys competition policy in the APEC countries. It covers competition-promoting policies such as free trade but focuses on competition law. Fourteen of the 21 APEC countries have comprehensive national competition laws but in some the coverage is limited and the enforcement is weak. After reviewing national, bilateral and regional competition laws, the paper discusses the problems of devising competition law in developing countries with a weak tradition of promoting competition.
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Regional co-operation and Asian recovery

  Author: Petri,Peter, ed.
Book: Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
  Year: 2000
  Sixteen papers, presented at a conference held in Boston in May 1998, examine the role of Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) and assesses the Asian crisis, financial systems for recovery, and the role of investment and trade flows and policies. Papers focus on the implications of Asia's unprecedented crisis; international context for Asian recovery; policies to encourage the recovery of private capital flows to East Asia; the Asian financial crisis in perspective; social and political context of international trade; prospects for APEC in 1998; financial reform in East Asia post-crisis; currency arrangements in Southeast Asia; the Korean economy at a crossroads; public and private interests in Korea; whether the newly emerging Europe can help the newly declining Asia; foreign direct investment in the wake of the Asian financial crisis; the impact of the Asian financial crisis on trade patterns of the affected economies; regional trading arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region; APEC early voluntary sectoral liberalization; and APEC strategy toward 1999.
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International Economic Order and Asia-Pacific Cooperation: A View from the Philippines

  Author: Alburo, Florian A.
Book: Philippine Review of Economics and Business
  Year: 1995 Vol: 32(2), pages 115-33..
  This paper discusses how the Philippines can productively fit in to the emerging international economic environment. Current Philippine trade and investment policies are examined. The international economic order and Asia-Pacific cooperation are discussed in the context of the ASEAN, APEC and GATT. Modalities of cooperation and its direction are described, and prospects for the Philippines in relation to the international economic order are laid out.
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APEC and liberalisation of the Chinese economy

  Author: Drysdale, Peter; Zhang, Yunling; Song, Ligang, eds.
Book: APEC and liberalisation of the Chinese economy
  Year: 2000 Vol: pages xxv, 286..
  Fifteen papers examine the ways in which APEC provided support for internationally oriented policies in China through the 1990s. Papers focus on liberalization of the Chinese economy; open regionalism, APEC, and China's international trade strategies; the functions of APEC and implications for China; Australia's APEC agenda and implications for Australia and China; shared objectives in APEC and the international economic system; the importance of APEC to China; APEC investment, trade liberalization, and China's economic adjustment; trade protection in China's automobile and textile industries and its impact on trade liberalization; the competitiveness of China's chemical sector; ecotech at the heart of APEC; promoting APEC's ecotech initiative; economic and technical cooperation; impact of capital inflows and technology transfer on the Chinese economy; exchange rate changes, trade development, and structural adjustment in the East Asian economies; and China's trade efficiency
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Comparing Regional Integration in Non-identical Twins: APEC and the FTAA

  Author: Feinberg, Richard
Book: Integration and Trade
  Year: 2000 Vol: 4(10), pages 3-30.
  Both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) owe their origins to common factors, including a more relaxed international environment, market-driven integration, and more conducive national development models. Yet, both regional integration schemes faced opposition, and in striking parallels, final decisions were dependent upon special historical circumstances and leadership choices. The two regional trade projects share a similar agenda of issues, do not challenge global market integration and target identical end dates. The FTAA adheres to traditional reciprocal bargaining, while APEC prefers an "Asian" unilateral voluntarism suited to APEC's less harmonious politics. The FTAA benefits from assistance from existing regional organizations, enjoys a greater clarity of objectives and crispness of negotiating modalities, and generally stands on firmer ground. As part of larger regional community-building projects, the two trading arrangements are accompanied by a multitude of development initiatives. Despite some tangible accomplishments, both processes have been frustrated by the inherent logic of weak institutionalization. Both trade-centric processes have tackled labor and environmental matters unlinked to trade sanctions. In their treatment of political and security issues, APEC and Western Hemisphere summitry differ starkly.
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Constructing a Global Architecture with an American Blueprint: The Ambivalent U.S. Attitude toward Asian Regional Cooperation

  Author: Snyder, Scott
Book: Global Economic Review
  Year: 1999 Vol: 28(3), pages 76-89.
  In step with the global trend toward regionalism, there has been significant progress in the development of a regional institutional framework in Asia, although perhaps to a lesser degree than other parts of the world. This is evidenced by the establishment over the past decade of APEC, ASEAN Regional Forum, and other multilateral attempts to address specific security issues. The attitude of the United States toward the development of such institutions for regional cooperation has been quite ambivalent and its approach might be described as ad hoc, utilitarian or instrumental. This paper examines the rhetoric, politics, and policy of America's seemingly ambiguous and inconsistent approach to Asian regional cooperation in an attempt to illustrate the factors that shape U.S. policy toward such efforts.
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Long-Run Effects on China of APEC Trade Liberalization

  Author: Adams, Philip D., et al.
Book: Pacific Economic Review
  Year: 2000 Vol: 5(1), pages 15-47.
  : Plans for trade liberalization within the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) Forum include the elimination of all tariffs between member states. The study in this paper uses two computable general equilibrium models to examine the effects of these plans, focusing on China. The modelling shows that liberalization increases China's capital stock and real GDP. The implication for Chinese industries depends on the extent to which liberalization exposes them to additional import competition. Industries strongly stimulated include textiles and communications equipment. Transport equipment is the most adversely affected. Chinese regional results follow from the industrial compositions of the regions, with Zhejiang the most favourably affected and Jilin the least.
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APEC and beyond

  Author: Robert A Kapp
Book: The China Business Review
  Year: 2001
  As the principal organization of American firms engaged in trade and investment with China, the US-China Business Council has been pouring its energies into supporting the US business presence at this October's glittering Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) events in Shanghai. Above all, that means the APEC CEO Summit, organized this year by the US-China Business Council's friends and colleagues at the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), who have waded into a huge multilateral conference-organizing project with enormous competence, devotion, and apparently inexhaustible energies.
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Hello WTO

  Author: Kathy Wilhelm
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 24; pg. 20.
  The global economic slowdown is putting new strains on trade liberalization even as China moves to embrace it. China used the June 6-7 meeting of Asia-Pacific trade ministers in Shanghai to jump-start its campaign to join the World Trade Organization, reaching agreement with the US on key issues holding up its membership. China also led the 21 members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in issuing a strong call for a new round of WTO tariff-reduction talks - an unusual role for a non-WTO member. But China's star turn as free-trade cheerleader was overshadowed by simmering trade disputes that burst onto center stage even as the APEC ministers met.
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APEC and electronic commerce: Doubts about US 'hands off' proposal

  Author: Richard D Taylor
Book: Telecommunications Policy
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 23, Iss. 3/4; pg. 345
  The US has proposed a global hands off policy toward regulation and taxation of electronic commerce. It has been aggressively promoting prompt adoption of this policy by other countries and international organizations. The primary beneficiaries of this policy appear to be US companies and consumers. The policy might further exacerbate many problems for developing countries already produced by economic globalization. Objections have come from both developing and developed nations. APEC has been taking a measured approach, initiating a regional process to address issues and policies, and considering the role it can play. Unabated US pressure may lead to further regionalization, rather than globalization.
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Slow train

  Author: Murray Hiebert
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 1998 Vol: Vol. 161, Iss. 47; pg. 20, 2 pgs
  This year's Apec forum in Kuala Lampur is intended to be a crowning achievement for Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's 17-year reign. Instead, it is turning into a major headache for several nations. For almost everyone involved in this year's caucus, there are plenty of risks and few potential gains. Asia's financial and economic woes are expected to top Apec's agenda. Analysts are watching to see if the US takes a leadership role in trying to tackle Asia's economic woes. Tokyo is refusing to move on demands that it cut import tariffs on fish and forestry products, putting Japanese on a collision course with its Apec partners. The US and Australia have warned Japan that its position could derail the summit and prompt other countries to erect trade barriers.
  Remarks:
   
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Pacific Bloc Stalled Over US-China Rift WHO SETS TRADE RULES?

  Author:
Book: Christian Science Monitor
  Year: 1994
  China opposes efforts to create a free-trade zone among the economies of APEC's 18 members by the year 2020 because, in the world's fastest-growing region, Beijing says the Chinese economy is still developing and poorer countries should not suffer if tariff barriers drop. "We believe the development of APEC should ... reflect the rich varieties of the Asian-Pacific region while giving proper preference to members of developing countries," Dai Bingguo, vice foreign minister, said in a news briefing. Beijing says it won't stand for the tougher US stance toward China while other countries have been let off the hook with only vague promises to comply with GATT requirements in agriculture and other sectors. Increasingly angry over the GATT obstacles, Chinese officials charge privately that the US is blocking their GATT admission to counterbalance domestic political damage from the most-favored-nation (MFN) decision last May. "The speed of cooperation of APEC should proceed accordingly, but a speedy success should be avoided," says Mr. Dai, the vice foreign minister. "China attaches great attention to the function of APEC and wishes APEC could play a more active role in promoting cooperation in the Asian-Pacific region."
  Remarks:
   
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Tokyo's View of APEC

  Author: Cole, Richard A
Book: International Business
  Year: 1994 Vol: Vol. 7, Iss. 3; pg. 139, 2 pgs
  While US President Bill Clinton has been clear that he wants the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) strengthened so it can be used as a tool to open Asian markets, Japan does not think much of the idea. Japan is in a tricky position. It has a strong interest in ensuring Asia's stability, both economically and militarily, and knows US participation is required for this. Security wise it sees the US as a much needed balance against North Korea and China. Japan is also aware of neighboring Asian countries' distaste for intervention by the US, with its tendency to dominate. Therefore, it sees itself as a broker between the two. Japan feels it is fulfilling its role as a leader by brokering agreements out of the limelight. The current structure of APEC - with its closed-door consideration of issues, consensus decision making and nonthreatening policy statements - fits the Japanese way of doing things and they like it.
  Remarks:
   
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The Politics of Emerging Pacific Cooperation

  Author: Donald Crone
Book: Pacific Affairs
  Year: 1992 Vol: Vol. 65, No. 1., pp. 68-83.
  A number of political factors are examined that underlie the recent delineation of a political and economic group in the Pacific centered on the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference (APEC). These include changes in domestic policies in several ot the participants; the move toward regional trading blocs in other world areas; contentions over defining potential membership of the group; and competition for influence among overlapping international organizations in the Pacific.
  Remarks:
   
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The Transition of Postwar Asia-Pacific Trade Relations

  Author: Endoh, Masahiro
Book: Journal of Asian Economics
  Year: 1999 Vol: 10(4),pages 571-89.
  The purpose of this paper is to examine the feature and the transition of trade relations in the Asia-Pacific region during the post-World War II period. The paper employs the gravity model with some regional dummy variables to estimate trade flows among 80 economies through temporal cross-section data analysis, for every five-year-term from 1960 to 1995. Its main findings are the following: first, ASEAN has had no effect of its own on promoting trade among its member countries. Second, the volume of trade among EAEC has been at a high level compared with the hypothetical trade level since 1960. Third, the amount of trade between EAEC economies and other APEC countries has been growing throughout the postwar period. Fourth, there has been close trade relations among APEC economies plus some other Asian countries.
  Remarks:
   
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Competition Principles and Policy in the APEC: How to Proceed and Link with WTO

  Author: Choi, Byung il
Book: Global Economic Review
  Year: 1999 Vol: 28(3), pages 31-48.
  There is a growing consensus that competition-oriented policy framework would be instrumental in achieving the Bogor goal of trade and investment liberalization by 2010/2020. As of now, only eight economies have the experience of operating competition policy for more than a decade. Many emerging economies of the APEC have only begun to introduce competition policy. The Auckland APEC Leaders Meeting of 1999 adopted the APEC competition principles. It is a significant step forward, but more hard work lies ahead: the issue of developing specific and concrete work program to implement the competition principles within the APEC and how to put competition policy in the much broader context of a multilateral trading system. The paper maps out a specific strategy to move the competition policy agenda forward at the APEC and how to link to the WTO and identifies the sources of such value-added and makes a proposal in order to best utilize them.
  Remarks:
   
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An Economy-Wide Analysis on Effects of APEC Agricultural Trade Liberalization and Special Treatment Proposals.

  Author: Hsu, Shih Hsun; Hsu, Bin Hsin
Book: Academia Economic Papers
  Year: 1999 Vol: 27(4), pages 511-42.
  The agricultural trade liberalization proposal raised a lot of debates in recent APEC meetings. Major food importing countries, e.g., Japan, South Korea, mainland China and Taiwan proposed to have a special treatment for their agricultural sector to be not included in the APEC trade liberalization list. This paper uses the standard GTAP model and database (version 3) to examine the likely long-term effects of A EC agricultural trade liberalization and special treatment proposals. Results clearly demonstrate why Japan, South Korea, mainland China and Taiwan are against including their agricultural sector in an APEC trade liberalization framework.
  Remarks:
   
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Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation and China (in Chinese)

  Author: Lu Jianren
Book: Asian Pacifric Economic Cooperation and China.
  Year: 1997
  This book introduces the relaitionship between APEC and China.
  Remarks:
   
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From APEC to Xanadu --Creating a Variable Community in the Post-Cole War Pacific

  Author: Hellmann, D. C. and Pyle, K.B.
Book: From APEC to Xanadu --Creating a Variable Community in the Post-Cole War Pacific
  Year: 1997
 
  Remarks:
   
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Japan in APEC: The problematic leadership role

  Author: Deng, Yong
Book: Asian Survey
  Year: 1997 Vol: Vol. 37, Iss. 4; pg. 353, 15 pgs
  Japan's problematic leadership role in the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum is examined.
  Remarks:
   
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Japan's perspective on APEC

  Author: Ishizuka, Masahiko
Book: Asian Business
  Year: 1996 Vol: Vol. 32, Iss. 11; pg. 24, 2 pgs
  Japan naturally takes a strong interest in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the stated objective of which is the economic development and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. Whether Japan can reap benefits from its participation in APEC depends on its ability to exercise leadership to move the 18-member body towards its goal. As the only highly industrialized country in Asia, Japan's position in APEC has always been very delicate, especially in the face of US demands for liberalization by developing countries. In general, Japan has taken sides with the developing countries, which loathe US-style pressures. The basic Japanese assumption is that Asian countries - and ASEAN members in particular - are moving in the direction of liberalization because they think it is in their interests to promote the economic development of Asian "tigers."
  Remarks:
   
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References related to China (24 references are shown.)

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Testing Uncovered Interest Parity at Short and Long Horizons

  Author: Menzie Chinn, University of California Guy Meredith, IMF and HKMA
Book:
  Year: July 11, 2000
  The unbiasedness hypothesis -- the joint hypothesis of uncovered interest parity (UIP) and rational expectations -- has been almost universally rejected in studies of exchange rate movements. In contrast to previous studies, which have used short-horizon data, we test this hypothesis using interest rates on longer-maturity bonds for the G-7 countries. The results of these long-horizon regressions are much more positive — the coefficients on interest differentials are of the correct sign, and almost all are closer to the predicted value of unity than to zero. These results are robust changes in data type and to base currency (i.e., Deutschemark versus US dollar). We appeal to an econometric interpretation of the results, which focuses on the presence of simultaneity in a cointegration framework.
  Remarks: The full version of the paper can be download at: http://econ.ucsc.edu/faculty/chinn/UIP_empr.pdf
   
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Comparing Regional Integration in Non-identical Twins: APEC and the FTAA

  Author: Feinberg, Richard
Book: Integration and Trade
  Year: 2000 Vol: 4(10), pages 3-30.
  Both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) owe their origins to common factors, including a more relaxed international environment, market-driven integration, and more conducive national development models. Yet, both regional integration schemes faced opposition, and in striking parallels, final decisions were dependent upon special historical circumstances and leadership choices. The two regional trade projects share a similar agenda of issues, do not challenge global market integration and target identical end dates. The FTAA adheres to traditional reciprocal bargaining, while APEC prefers an "Asian" unilateral voluntarism suited to APEC's less harmonious politics. The FTAA benefits from assistance from existing regional organizations, enjoys a greater clarity of objectives and crispness of negotiating modalities, and generally stands on firmer ground. As part of larger regional community-building projects, the two trading arrangements are accompanied by a multitude of development initiatives. Despite some tangible accomplishments, both processes have been frustrated by the inherent logic of weak institutionalization. Both trade-centric processes have tackled labor and environmental matters unlinked to trade sanctions. In their treatment of political and security issues, APEC and Western Hemisphere summitry differ starkly.
  Remarks:
   
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Constructing a Global Architecture with an American Blueprint: The Ambivalent U.S. Attitude toward Asian Regional Cooperation

  Author: Snyder, Scott
Book: Global Economic Review
  Year: 1999 Vol: 28(3), pages 76-89.
  In step with the global trend toward regionalism, there has been significant progress in the development of a regional institutional framework in Asia, although perhaps to a lesser degree than other parts of the world. This is evidenced by the establishment over the past decade of APEC, ASEAN Regional Forum, and other multilateral attempts to address specific security issues. The attitude of the United States toward the development of such institutions for regional cooperation has been quite ambivalent and its approach might be described as ad hoc, utilitarian or instrumental. This paper examines the rhetoric, politics, and policy of America's seemingly ambiguous and inconsistent approach to Asian regional cooperation in an attempt to illustrate the factors that shape U.S. policy toward such efforts.
  Remarks:
   
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Long-Run Effects on China of APEC Trade Liberalization

  Author: Adams, Philip D., et al.
Book: Pacific Economic Review
  Year: 2000 Vol: 5(1), pages 15-47.
  : Plans for trade liberalization within the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) Forum include the elimination of all tariffs between member states. The study in this paper uses two computable general equilibrium models to examine the effects of these plans, focusing on China. The modelling shows that liberalization increases China's capital stock and real GDP. The implication for Chinese industries depends on the extent to which liberalization exposes them to additional import competition. Industries strongly stimulated include textiles and communications equipment. Transport equipment is the most adversely affected. Chinese regional results follow from the industrial compositions of the regions, with Zhejiang the most favourably affected and Jilin the least.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and beyond

  Author: Robert A Kapp
Book: The China Business Review
  Year: 2001
  As the principal organization of American firms engaged in trade and investment with China, the US-China Business Council has been pouring its energies into supporting the US business presence at this October's glittering Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) events in Shanghai. Above all, that means the APEC CEO Summit, organized this year by the US-China Business Council's friends and colleagues at the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), who have waded into a huge multilateral conference-organizing project with enormous competence, devotion, and apparently inexhaustible energies.
  Remarks:
   
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Hello WTO

  Author: Kathy Wilhelm
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 24; pg. 20.
  The global economic slowdown is putting new strains on trade liberalization even as China moves to embrace it. China used the June 6-7 meeting of Asia-Pacific trade ministers in Shanghai to jump-start its campaign to join the World Trade Organization, reaching agreement with the US on key issues holding up its membership. China also led the 21 members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in issuing a strong call for a new round of WTO tariff-reduction talks - an unusual role for a non-WTO member. But China's star turn as free-trade cheerleader was overshadowed by simmering trade disputes that burst onto center stage even as the APEC ministers met.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and electronic commerce: Doubts about US 'hands off' proposal

  Author: Richard D Taylor
Book: Telecommunications Policy
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 23, Iss. 3/4; pg. 345
  The US has proposed a global hands off policy toward regulation and taxation of electronic commerce. It has been aggressively promoting prompt adoption of this policy by other countries and international organizations. The primary beneficiaries of this policy appear to be US companies and consumers. The policy might further exacerbate many problems for developing countries already produced by economic globalization. Objections have come from both developing and developed nations. APEC has been taking a measured approach, initiating a regional process to address issues and policies, and considering the role it can play. Unabated US pressure may lead to further regionalization, rather than globalization.
  Remarks:
   
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China's exchange rate policy

  Author: Xu, Yingfeng
Book: China Economic Review
  Year: 2000 Vol: Vol. 11
  Should or will the yuan depreciate? This is an important question widely speculated in world financial markets and intensively debated in China in the wake of the East Asian financial crisis in 1997. The present paper examines in detail the fundamentals that determine the exchange rate in China and concludes with two important findings. One is that the past two decades of economic reform has made domestic prices in China sufficiently market-determined and linked to world prices so that the exchange rate can serve as an effective nominal anchor. Exchange rate stability leads to domestic price stability. The other result is that because of the flexibility of domestic prices, a change in the exchange rate has only a modest and ephemeral effect on the terms of trade and trade flows. Therefore, exchange rate flexibility is not essential to keep the current account in balance. Such evidence suggests that China should continue the policy to maintain exchange rate stability, as it has done since 1994.
  Remarks:
   
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Asian monetary fund reborn

  Author: G Pierre Goad
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 2000 Vol: Vol. 163, Iss. 20; pg. 54, 1 pgs
  Stuttering attempts to build an Asian regional framework for financial cooperation took a small but significant step forward on May 6 with an agreement to swap foreign-exchange reserves to fend off financial crises. The trick will be to take the next step and build up enough momentum to overcome the inertia and rivalries that have doomed previous attempts to start what all agree will be a long process of building regional economic institutions. The Chiang Mai accord removes two important roadblocks to closer economic cooperation in Asia: China is on board and a credible framework for future discussions is in place. The Chiang Mai accord does give Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia a structure and an excuse to keep talking about pan-regional economic issues in concrete terms.
  Remarks:
   
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China's accession to the WTO and its relationship to the Chinese Taipei accession and to Hong Kong and Macau, China

  Author:
Book:
  Year: March 2001
  The paper provides a brief history of China's withdrawal form GATT and application of being a WTO member. It also mentioned about the recent development of China and its relationship with Taiwna, Hong kong and Macau.
  Remarks: It is downlaodable at: http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/acc_e/chinabknot_feb01.doc
   
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China and WTO: The Politics Behind the Agreement

  Author: Joseph Fewsmith
Book: NBR Publication
  Year: November 1999 Vol: NBR Analysis: Vol. 10, No. 5: Essay 2
  Chinese leaders in favor of China’s greater integration into the world economy were thrown on the defensive in April by the U.S. rejection of China’s unprecedentedly forthcoming offer for joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and by the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May. The events of April and May raised the WTO issue from the already difficult arena of bureaucratic politics to the often brutal realm of elite politics. Although Premier Zhu Rongji bore the brunt of public criticism, President Jiang Zemin similarly came under attack by nationalistic opposition leaders for "selling out the country" and being soft on the United States. Jiang has spent much of the time since then defending himself and rebuilding support for joining the WTO. The Clinton Administration, realizing its miscalculation in April, similarly spent the next six months working to repair U.S.-China relations in order to bring China back to the negotiating table. On November 15, 1999, the United States and China finally signed a landmark agreement on China’s accession to the WTO. Without the efforts from both China and the United States to repair the damage done in the spring, an agreement would have been delayed indefinitely. The agreement on China's entry into the WTO will rank with President Nixon’s 1972 visit to Beijing and President Carter’s extension of diplomatic recognition to China as a major step in bringing China into the world. It will help stabilize China’s relations with the major powers¾ most particularly the United States¾ and burnish Jiang Zemin’s (and perhaps Zhu Rongji’s) leadership credentials. Most importantly, it will reinforce domestic reform and lead China to play an increasingly constructive role in world affairs.
  Remarks: site: http://www.nbr.org/publications/report.html
   
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The Impact of WTO/PNTR on Chinese Politics

  Author: Joseph Fewsmith
Book: NBR Publications
  Year: July 2000 Vol: NBR Analysis: Vol. 11, No. 2: Essay 2
  Because granting permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) will enable U.S. firms to compete on an equal basis with their European and Asian counterparts once China accedes to the World Trade Organization (WTO), the debate in Congress has focused largely on whether PNTR will promote economic and political reform in China. Those opposed to PNTR are afraid that the United States will surrender its leverage and that therefore reform in China will slow. This study finds the opposite to be the case. The politics of U.S.-China relations and reform are examined at three levels: elite policymakers, intellectual "opinion makers," and the broader, mostly urban, public opinion. The survey indicates that passage of PNTR would have positive effects on all three levels for U.S.-China relations and the prospects for reform. Conversely, failure to support PNTR would have an enormous negative impact, not only on Sino-U.S. relations, but also on domestic reforms in China.
  Remarks:
   
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The Sino-EU Agreement on China's Accession to the WTO: Results of the Bilateral Negotiations

  Author:
Book:
  Year:
  The paper is an overview of the results achieved by the EU in addition to the Sino-US accord. Some of the issues covered did not form part of that agreement, while others had already been the subject of negotiations between China and other partners, but have been further improved by the EU. In both cases, the list below is confined to commitments which were secured explicitly by the European Union.
  Remarks: The paper is downloadable at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/trade/bilateral/china/res.pdf
   
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Assessing the Implications of Merchandise Trade: Liberalization in China’s Accession to WTO

  Author: Elena Ianchovichina, Will Martin and Emiko Fukase
Book:
  Year: July 2000
  China’s forthcoming accession to the WTO will be a turning point for China, and for the rest of the world. It involves reforms across a wide range of sectors in China, both in directly trade-related sectors and behind the border. The implications of these reforms are greatly influenced by the starting point — a partially reformed economy with relatively high import duties, but in which export sectors benefit from liberal duty exemptions on the inputs used in the production of exports. China and its major trading partners are estimated to gain from accession, and some competing countries to suffer small losses. The adjustments required are greatly reduced by the liberalization that China has undertaken in the 1990s. A full evaluation of accession, and design of appropriate policy responses will require detailed analysis in a number of areas, including agricultural policies, the proposed liberalization of clothing and textiles, safeguards mechanisms, and the automobile sector.
  Remarks: The paper is downloadable at: http://www.pbec.org/speeches/2001/010205martin.pdf
   
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How Important Is APEC to China?

  Author: Yang, Yongzheng; Huang, Yiping
Book: Australian Economic Papers
  Year: 1999 Vol: 38(3), pages 328-42.
  APEC is an important forum for China to show its commitment to economic openness. Concerted trade liberalisation in the APEC region reduces the adverse terms of trade effect of China's own trade liberalisation. These help maintain the momentum of reform by reducing domestic resistance. APEC is not a stepping stone to WTO membership, but it gives China an opportunity to rally international support for its early entry into the WTO. However, APEC cannot substitute for WTO membership. This is not only because the WTO framework provides greater security for market access for Chinese exports as well as potentially larger gains to the Chinese economy, but also because it imposes legal bindings on China's trade policy once it becomes a member. In facilitating China's trade liberalisation, APEC and the WTO seems to be mutually re-enforcing. APEC prepares China for the WTO and the WTO accession pushes China to go along with the APEC process. Both APEC and WTO accession push forward domestic reform.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and liberalisation of the Chinese economy

  Author: Drysdale, Peter; Zhang, Yunling; Song, Ligang, eds.
Book: APEC and liberalisation of the Chinese economy
  Year: 2000 Vol: pages xxv, 286..
  Fifteen papers examine the ways in which APEC provided support for internationally oriented policies in China through the 1990s. Papers focus on liberalization of the Chinese economy; open regionalism, APEC, and China's international trade strategies; the functions of APEC and implications for China; Australia's APEC agenda and implications for Australia and China; shared objectives in APEC and the international economic system; the importance of APEC to China; APEC investment, trade liberalization, and China's economic adjustment; trade protection in China's automobile and textile industries and its impact on trade liberalization; the competitiveness of China's chemical sector; ecotech at the heart of APEC; promoting APEC's ecotech initiative; economic and technical cooperation; impact of capital inflows and technology transfer on the Chinese economy; exchange rate changes, trade development, and structural adjustment in the East Asian economies; and China's trade efficiency
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and beyond

  Author: Robert A Kapp
Book: The China Business Review
  Year: 2001
  As the principal organization of American firms engaged in trade and investment with China, the US-China Business Council has been pouring its energies into supporting the US business presence at this October's glittering Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) events in Shanghai. Above all, that means the APEC CEO Summit, organized this year by the US-China Business Council's friends and colleagues at the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), who have waded into a huge multilateral conference-organizing project with enormous competence, devotion, and apparently inexhaustible energies.
  Remarks:
   
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Hello WTO

  Author: Kathy Wilhelm
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 24; pg. 20.
  The global economic slowdown is putting new strains on trade liberalization even as China moves to embrace it. China used the June 6-7 meeting of Asia-Pacific trade ministers in Shanghai to jump-start its campaign to join the World Trade Organization, reaching agreement with the US on key issues holding up its membership. China also led the 21 members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in issuing a strong call for a new round of WTO tariff-reduction talks - an unusual role for a non-WTO member. But China's star turn as free-trade cheerleader was overshadowed by simmering trade disputes that burst onto center stage even as the APEC ministers met.
  Remarks:
   
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Pacific Bloc Stalled Over US-China Rift WHO SETS TRADE RULES?

  Author:
Book: Christian Science Monitor
  Year: 1994
  China opposes efforts to create a free-trade zone among the economies of APEC's 18 members by the year 2020 because, in the world's fastest-growing region, Beijing says the Chinese economy is still developing and poorer countries should not suffer if tariff barriers drop. "We believe the development of APEC should ... reflect the rich varieties of the Asian-Pacific region while giving proper preference to members of developing countries," Dai Bingguo, vice foreign minister, said in a news briefing. Beijing says it won't stand for the tougher US stance toward China while other countries have been let off the hook with only vague promises to comply with GATT requirements in agriculture and other sectors. Increasingly angry over the GATT obstacles, Chinese officials charge privately that the US is blocking their GATT admission to counterbalance domestic political damage from the most-favored-nation (MFN) decision last May. "The speed of cooperation of APEC should proceed accordingly, but a speedy success should be avoided," says Mr. Dai, the vice foreign minister. "China attaches great attention to the function of APEC and wishes APEC could play a more active role in promoting cooperation in the Asian-Pacific region."
  Remarks:
   
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Concluding China’s Accession to the WTO: The United States Congress and Permanent Most-Favored Nation Status for China

  Author: Alan S. Alexandroff
Book: Prepared for the Journal of International Law and Foreign Affairs, UCLA
  Year:
  This paper is about the fashioning of America’s China policy. It examines a key component of U.S.-China policy – the terms for the accession of China to the multilateral World Trade Organization (WTO). In particular it examines by whom, and how, such an accession is likely to receive United States approval. As with trade policy generally, American support for China’s accession to the WTO will require not just Administration backing but the approval of Congress. Curiously though, the Administration does not require congressional approval to accept the Protocol of Accession – the terms for Chinese entry to the WTO. Instead the legislative history of trade policy, and in particular the extension of permanent MFN, has led to the requirement, for all practical purposes, of congressional approval for China’s entry to the WTO.
  Remarks: It is downloadable in pdf format at: http://www.utoronto.ca/cis/uclalan.pdf
   
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Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation and China (in Chinese)

  Author: Lu Jianren
Book: Asian Pacifric Economic Cooperation and China.
  Year: 1997
  This book introduces the relaitionship between APEC and China.
  Remarks:
   
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China's Agriculture and WTO Acccession

  Author: D. Gale Johnson
Book: The University of Chicago Paper No. 00-02
  Year: June 2000
  There are 2 major objectives for this article. The first is to evaluate the short term effects of WTO accession on China's agriculture - the effects over the next five years or so. The second is to address the much more significant economic adjustments that economic growth will impose on agriculture and the rural sector over the coming decades.
  Remarks: The article is downloadable in pdf format. http://www.src.uchicago.edu/users/gjohn/wto.pdf
   
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China's WTO Accession Boost US Ag Exports and Farm Income

  Author:
Book: Agricultural Outlook Economic Research Service/USDA
  Year: March 2000
  This article is about the impact of China's accession into WTO on US agricultural exports. The article has mentioned the barriers reduced because of the accession, the projected statistical data on China's agricultural imports are provided.
  Remarks: This article is downloadable in pdf format at the site: http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/agoutlook/mar2000/ao269e.pdf
   
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Seattle conference achieves little

  Author: Li Bian
Book: Beijing Review
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 42, Iss. 51; pg. 8
  A report on the Third Ministerial Conference of the WTO, held in Seattle in Dec 1999, is presented. China hopes to join the WTO as soon as possible and forcefully presented its case that China's entry would be a great contribution to the multilateral trading system and lend strong support to the new round of global trade talks.
  Remarks:
   
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References related to United States (43 references are shown.)

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Financial Crises and Asia CEPR Conference Report No. 6

  Author: Robert Chote, Rapporteur
Book:
  Year: 1998
  Asset price volatility on world financial markets and foreign exchange markets has increased significantly since the Mexican peso crisis of December 1994. The Asian financial crisis, still underway, will leave significant costs in its wake. The notion that emerging markets can sort out their own problems if left to their own devices is no longer plausible, and policymakers cannot afford to adopt a laissez-faire attitude to this issue. The traditional IMF response of containment is a debatable solution. This report addresses these issues with emphasis on the important lessons that can be learned from the recent events in Asia.
  Remarks: The paper can be ordered online at a price of $15.00/$22.50 at: http://www.brook.edu/press/books/clientpr/cepr/chote.htm
   
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"Purchasing Power Parity and Interest Parity in the Laboratory"

  Author: Eric O™N. Fisher, Department Of Economics, The Ohio State University
Book:
  Year: 10 April 2001
  This paper analyzes purchasing power parity and uncovered interest parity in the laboratory. It finds strong evidence that purchasing power parity, covered interest parity, and uncovered interest parity hold. Subjects are endowed with an intrinsically useless (green) currency that can be used to purchase another useless (red) currency. Green goods can be bought only with green currency, and red goods can be bought only with red currency. The foreign exchange markets are organized as call markets. In the treatment analyzing purchasing power parity, the price of the red good varies. In a second treatment, the interest rate on red currency varies. In a third treatment, the interest rate on red currency varies, and the price of the red good is random.
  Remarks: The full version of the paper can be downloaded at: http://economics.sbs.ohio-state.edu/efisher/pppuip.pdf
   
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Purchasing Power Parity

  Author: Steven M. Suranovic
Book: International Finance Theory & Policy
  Year: Vol: Chapter 30
  This is an online book which collects materials about International Finance Theory and Policy. In chapter 30, it covers Purchasing Power Parity. There are 4 sections in chapter 30: 30-1 Introduction to Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) 30-2 The Consumer Price Index (CPI) and PPP 30-3 PPP as a Theory of Exchange Rate Determination 30-4 Problems and Extensions of PPP Problem set is available at the end of the chapter but the answer key in PDF format is subject to sale!!
  Remarks: The book is accessible at: http://internationalecon.com/v1.0/Finance/ch30/ch30.html
   
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Purchasing Power Parity: Three Stakes through the Heart of the Unit Root Null

  Author: Matthew Higgins and Egon Zakrajk
Book: Staff report of Federal Reserve Bank of New York.
  Year: June 1999 Vol: Number 80
  A recent influential paper (O'Connell 1998) argues that panel data evidence in favor of purchasing power parity disappears once test procedures are altered to accommodate heterogenous cross-sectional dependence among real exchange rate innovations. We present evidence to the contrary. First, we modify two extant panel unit root panel unit root tests to eliminate the upward size distortion induced by contemporaneous cross-sectional dependence. Second, we exploit a recently-introduced test, based on SUR techniques, that also remains valid in the presence of cross-sectional dependence. Using the three new tests, we find overwhelming evidence in favor of real exchange rate stationarity during the post-Bretton Woods era among OECD economies, as well as among a larger group of pen? economies. We also find emphatic evidence of stationarity using O'Connell's GLS test. Bias-corrected parameter estimates indicate that deviations from PPP erode more quickly for real exchange rates defined using wholesale rather than consumer price indices. Monte Carlo experiments indicate that several of the tests discussed here have considerable power against the unit root null.
  Remarks: The entire paper in PDF format can be downloaded at: http://www.ny.frb.org/rmaghome/staff_rp/sr80.html
   
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Deviations from Purchasing Power Parity: The Australian Case

  Author: Adrian Blundell-Wignall, Marilyn Thomas
Book: Reserve Bank of Australia Discussion Paper
  Year: September 1987 Vol: RDP8711
  The hypothesis that deviations from PPP follow a random process is tested against two alternatives: that the real exchange rate reverts to a constant equilibrium level (long-run PPP); and that it reverts to an equilibrium level which is itself a function of shifts in commodity prices (long-run PPP doesn't hold, but for reasons that are predictable). The random walk hypothesis cannot be rejected if commodity prices are ignored or if the nominal exchange rate is fixed. It is consistently rejected when commodity prices are included and the exchange rate is floating.
  Remarks: An electronic version of this paper is not available. To order a printed copy you have to complete an RDP Order Form at: http://www.rba.gov.au/PublicationsAndResearch/RDP/RDP_Order/index.html
   
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Beyond the Purchasing Power Parity: Testing for Cointegration and Causality between Exchange Rates, Prices, and Interest Rates

  Author: Cheng, Benjamin S.
Book: Journal of International Money and Finance
  Year: 1999 Vol: 18(6), pages 911-24.
  This paper reexamines the causality between the dollar and the yen in a multivariate framework with the aid of cointegration and error-correcting modeling for the 1951-94 period. The Phillips-Perron tests and Johansen's tests are performed. While causality from interest rates to exchange rates is found in the short run, no causality between prices and exchange rates is found in the short run. However, causality is found running from relative prices to exchange rates along with interest rates between the U.S. and Japan in the long run, which supports the long-run PPP hypothesis.
  Remarks:
   
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Aid, Policies, and Growth

  Author: Burnside, Craig, and David Dollar
Book: American Economic Review
  Year: 2000 Vol: Vol. 90, No. 4, pp. 847-868.
  The paper uses a new database on foreign aid to examine the relationships among foreign aid, economic policies, and growth per capita GDP. The paper finds that aid has a positive impact on growth in developing countries with good fiscal, monetary, and trade policies but has little effect in the presence of poor policies. Good policies are ones that are themselves important for growth. The quality of policy has only a small impact ont eh allocation of aid. Their results suggest that aid would be more effective if it were more systematically conditioned on good policy.
  Remarks:
   
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European Monetary Unification and International Monetary Cooperation

  Author: Barry Eichengreen and Fabio Ghironi
Book: Available online at http://econwpa.wustl.edu:8089/eps/it/papers/9804/9804001.pdf
  Year: 1998
  In this paper the authors describe some of the opportunities and perils for international monetary cooperation associated with EMU. Their approach brings together two strands in the literature; one concerned with institutions, the other focusing on policy consensus. Their analysis raises questions about the scope for monetary cooperation in Europe and across the Atlantic. While institutional and intellectual support for monetary-policy coordination within Europe will be further strengthened in Stage III of the transition to EMU, a limitation of that framework concerns relations between the "ins" and the "outs" -- between member states that will and that will not be founding members of the monetary union. While this problem can be remedied, it presently looms as the principal threat to monetary cohesion in Europe and to the broader program of economic and political integration with which the EMU project is linked. By comparison, institutional and intellectual support for transatlantic monetary cooperation, and for G-7 monetary cooperation more generally, remains deficient. The advent of Stage III will only highlight these limitations.
  Remarks:
   
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Is Japan Creating a Yen Bloc in East Asia and the Pacific?

  Author: Jeffrey A. Frankel
Book: Regionalism and Rivalry: Japan and the US in Pacific Asia, J. Frankel andM. Kahler eds.
  Year: 1993 Vol: November, p. 53
  After examining some of the relevant statistics, this paper argues that the evidence of an volving East Asian trade bloc centered on Japan is not as clear as many believe. Trade between Japan and other Asian countries increased substantially in the late 1980s. But intra-regional trade bias did not increase, as it didi, for example, within the European Community. The phrase "Yen Bloc" could be interpreted as referring to the financial and monetary aspects implicit in the words, rather than to trade flows. The second half of the paper does find evidence of growing Japanese influence in the Pacific via financial and monetary channels, rather than primarily via trade flows. But it does not find evidence that the country has taken deliberate steps to establish a Yen Bloc.
  Remarks: This paper is available online at http://papers.nber.org/papers/W4050
   
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Assessing the Economic Preconditions for a Yen Bloc

  Author: Madden, Gary; Savage, Scott; McDonald, Andrew
Book: Australian Economic Papers
  Year: 2000 Vol: 39(1),pages 25-32
  Stabilising Asia-Pacific exchange rates by establishing a system of pegs, bands or target zones around the Japanese yen requires the compromise of domestic policy autonomy. The cost of doing so is least when members' reaction to economic shocks are symmetric. This study considers which currencies meet this necessary precondition. To assess regional disturbance symmetry the Blanchard and Quah (1989) procedure is employed to distinguish temporary from permanent shocks for paired aggregate output and price time-series. Disturbance correlations between Japan and other Asia-Pacific nations are calculated. Supply-side disturbance correlations are relatively weak and suggest the economic preconditions for a yen bloc are not in place.
  Remarks:
   
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The Possibility of Forming a Yen Bloc Revisited

  Author: Kwan, Chi Hung
Book: ASEAN Economic Bulletin
  Year: 2000 Vol: 17(2), pages 218-32.
  The latest crisis in Asia has vividly illustrated that the traditional exchange rate policy of pegging to the U.S. dollar can be incompatible with macroeconomic stability in the Asian countries. To insulate themselves from the adverse effect of a widely fluctuating yen-dollar rate, these countries should peg their currencies closer to the Japanese yen by targeting a basket of currencies in which the yen carries a substantial weight. By reducing the foreign exchange risk associated with yen-denominated transactions, this major shift in Asia's exchange rate policy should promote wider use of the yen as a regional currency and capital inflow from Japan into the Asian countries, paving the way for the formation of a yen bloc.
  Remarks:
   
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A Yen Bloc in Asia: An Integrative Approach

  Author: Kwan, C. H.
Book: Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy
  Year: 1996 Vol: 1(1), pages 1-21.
  This paper studies the possibility of forming a yen bloc in Asia from four complementary approaches--(1) internationalization of the yen, (2) optimal peg for the Asian countries, (3) optimum currency areas, and (4) tripolar monetary system--which offer, respectively Japanese, Asian, regional and global perspectives of the issue. The focus is on the implications of the formation of a yen bloc for macroeconomic stability in participating countries (including Japan itself) and the global economy. The Asian NIEs, which compete with Japan in international markets, are better candidates than the ASEAN countries and China to join a yen bloc.
  Remarks:
   
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Optimal Pegs for East Asian Currencies

  Author: Benassy Quere, Agnes
Book: Journal of the Japanese and International Economies
  Year: 1999 Vol: 13(1), pages 44-60.
  It has been evidenced that the U.S. dollar is prominent in the exchange rate regimes of Asian countries. This paper shows that the relative stability of Asian exchange rates against the U.S. dollar until the 1997 crisis is not accounted for by the theory of optimum currency areas, in contradiction to the situation in Europe vis-a-vis the deutsche mark. An alternative framework is proposed where the absence of a yen bloc is explained by the mismatch between the country distribution of trade and the currency distribution of the debt. It is shown that the lack of cooperation makes Asian countries underweight the yen in their implicit basket pegs.
  Remarks:
   
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The Dynamic Effects of Aggregate Demand and Supply Disturbances

  Author: Blanchard, Olivier Jean; Quah, Danny
Book: American Economic Review
  Year: 1989 Vol: 79(4), pages 655-73.
  The authors interpret fluctuations in GNP and unemployment as due to two types of disturbances: disturbances that have a permanent effect on output and disturbances that do not. They interpret the first as supply disturbances, the second as demand disturbances. Demand disturbances have a hump-shaped, mirror-image effect on output and unemployment. The effect of supply disturbances on output increases steadily over time, peaking after two years and reaching a plateau after five years.
  Remarks:
   
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IN PRAISE OF THE YEN

  Author: DAVID BAIN
Book: This article is available online at Asiaweek.com. The link is http://www.asiaweek.com/asiaweek/99/0122/feat12.html
  Year: 1999
  This article points out that the mis-link of Asian currencies to the US dollar is no longer suitable for strengthen Asian economies. The author suggests to establish a yen bloc.
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China's accession to the WTO and its relationship to the Chinese Taipei accession and to Hong Kong and Macau, China

  Author:
Book:
  Year: March 2001
  The paper provides a brief history of China's withdrawal form GATT and application of being a WTO member. It also mentioned about the recent development of China and its relationship with Taiwna, Hong kong and Macau.
  Remarks: It is downlaodable at: http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/acc_e/chinabknot_feb01.doc
   
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China and WTO: The Politics Behind the Agreement

  Author: Joseph Fewsmith
Book: NBR Publication
  Year: November 1999 Vol: NBR Analysis: Vol. 10, No. 5: Essay 2
  Chinese leaders in favor of China’s greater integration into the world economy were thrown on the defensive in April by the U.S. rejection of China’s unprecedentedly forthcoming offer for joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and by the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May. The events of April and May raised the WTO issue from the already difficult arena of bureaucratic politics to the often brutal realm of elite politics. Although Premier Zhu Rongji bore the brunt of public criticism, President Jiang Zemin similarly came under attack by nationalistic opposition leaders for "selling out the country" and being soft on the United States. Jiang has spent much of the time since then defending himself and rebuilding support for joining the WTO. The Clinton Administration, realizing its miscalculation in April, similarly spent the next six months working to repair U.S.-China relations in order to bring China back to the negotiating table. On November 15, 1999, the United States and China finally signed a landmark agreement on China’s accession to the WTO. Without the efforts from both China and the United States to repair the damage done in the spring, an agreement would have been delayed indefinitely. The agreement on China's entry into the WTO will rank with President Nixon’s 1972 visit to Beijing and President Carter’s extension of diplomatic recognition to China as a major step in bringing China into the world. It will help stabilize China’s relations with the major powers¾ most particularly the United States¾ and burnish Jiang Zemin’s (and perhaps Zhu Rongji’s) leadership credentials. Most importantly, it will reinforce domestic reform and lead China to play an increasingly constructive role in world affairs.
  Remarks: site: http://www.nbr.org/publications/report.html
   
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Competition Policy in the Asian-Pacific Region

  Author: Lloyd,P.J.
Book: Asian Pacific Economic Literature
  Year: 2000 Vol: 14(2), pages 1-13.
  This paper surveys competition policy in the APEC countries. It covers competition-promoting policies such as free trade but focuses on competition law. Fourteen of the 21 APEC countries have comprehensive national competition laws but in some the coverage is limited and the enforcement is weak. After reviewing national, bilateral and regional competition laws, the paper discusses the problems of devising competition law in developing countries with a weak tradition of promoting competition.
  Remarks:
   
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Constructing a Global Architecture with an American Blueprint: The Ambivalent U.S. Attitude toward Asian Regional Cooperation

  Author: Snyder, Scott
Book: Global Economic Review
  Year: 1999 Vol: 28(3), pages 76-89.
  In step with the global trend toward regionalism, there has been significant progress in the development of a regional institutional framework in Asia, although perhaps to a lesser degree than other parts of the world. This is evidenced by the establishment over the past decade of APEC, ASEAN Regional Forum, and other multilateral attempts to address specific security issues. The attitude of the United States toward the development of such institutions for regional cooperation has been quite ambivalent and its approach might be described as ad hoc, utilitarian or instrumental. This paper examines the rhetoric, politics, and policy of America's seemingly ambiguous and inconsistent approach to Asian regional cooperation in an attempt to illustrate the factors that shape U.S. policy toward such efforts.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and electronic commerce: Doubts about US 'hands off' proposal

  Author: Richard D Taylor
Book: Telecommunications Policy
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 23, Iss. 3/4; pg. 345
  The US has proposed a global hands off policy toward regulation and taxation of electronic commerce. It has been aggressively promoting prompt adoption of this policy by other countries and international organizations. The primary beneficiaries of this policy appear to be US companies and consumers. The policy might further exacerbate many problems for developing countries already produced by economic globalization. Objections have come from both developing and developed nations. APEC has been taking a measured approach, initiating a regional process to address issues and policies, and considering the role it can play. Unabated US pressure may lead to further regionalization, rather than globalization.
  Remarks:
   
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The Anatomy of the East Asian Crisis: An Alternative Model of Currency Crises

  Author: De Brito, Jose Brandao
Book: University of Birmingham, Department of Economics Discussion Paper
  Year: 1999 Vol: 99/16, pages 24..
  Following the East Asian crisis two core ideas seemed to gather considerable support amongst researchers, namely that previous models of currency crisis are not fully suitable to examine this particular set of events and that the Asian crisis ensued from a financial plight. The analysis presented here attempts to contribute to remedy the former while challenging the latter on the grounds that it tells only part of the story. This paper employs a macro dynamic model to examine how the increase in the money supply that predictably follows financial liberalization renders a country vulnerable to a currency crisis in the presence of uncertainty on the timing of the monetary expansion reversal that may eventually lead to a fully-fledged crisis. The model predicts that after money expansion, output increases while the current account deteriorates and a situation of excess-capacity and bubbles in the asset markets develops. Therefore the authorities face a tough policy trade-off between long-run sustainability and short-term prosperity. If authorities fail to correct those imbalances, eventually investors launch a speculative attack. It turns out that the model's result provides a quite faithful description of the Asian crisis' overall picture. The model also suggests that the crisis will have a long term impact.
  Remarks:
   
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The Interest Rate Sensitivity of Commercial Bank Stocks in Korea

  Author: Park, Hyung Geun; Chung, Eek June
Book: Bank-of-Korea-Economic-Papers
  Year: 2000 Vol: 3(2), pages 117-34.
  This paper estimates the interest rate sensitivity of Korean bank stocks using a two factor model and examines its relation with the maturity composition of bank assets and liabilities. For the period 1990-93, the first phase of Korean financial liberalization, it found no evidence for the reaction of bank stock prices to interest rate changes. But for the period 1994-97 when financial liberalization accelerated, it found a relatively strong interest rate sensitivity of bank stocks. And in the period after the financial crisis, bank stocks showed low sensitivity to interest rate changes. In addition, cross-section variation in the interest rate sensitivity measure is not significantly related to the maturity mismatch between bank assets and liabilities. This result reveals that information on the maturity composition of an individual bank is not reflected in the price of its stocks in the financial market.
  Remarks:
   
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Financial Liberalisation, Stock Markets and Economic Development

  Author: Singh, Ajit
Book: University of Cambridge Discussion Papers in Accounting and Finance
  Year: 1996 Vol: AF29 pages 21.
  There has been an extraordinary expansion of stock markets in developing countries in the 1980s and 1990s. These emerging markets have played an important role in the internal as well as external financial liberalization processes which many industrializing countries have undertaken in this period. The paper investigates the question: what is likely to be the impact of these developments on industrialization and long-term economic growth? It provides analysis and evidence to suggest that on balance this evolution is likely to hinder rather than to assist economic development.
  Remarks:
   
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Profits, Savings, Investment and Fast Economic Growth: A Perspective on Asian Catch Up and Implications for Latin America

  Author: Singh, Ajit
Book: University of Cambridge Discussion Papers in Accounting and Finance
  Year: 1996 Vol: AF33 pages 32.
  The East Asian countries have been catching up with the West for most of the post World War II period. This paper attempts to make analytic sense of this extraordinary Asian drama. It concentrates on the extremely high rates of corporate savings and investment achieved by these economies. The accumulation story is conceptualized here in Kaldorian terms and emphasizes the investment-profits-savings nexus. The essential argument is that high corporate savings and investments in countries like Japan and Korea were not simply the outcome of the invisible hand of the market, but rather, government-business interactions and the relationship between the corporations and the financial system were crucial in the process. The last part considers the implications of the analysis for Latin America. Despite Latin American countries' deficits in this area, it is suggested that their current political conjuncture will prevent them from accepting any dirigiste advice however beneficial. Unlike the "reluctant" Asians, the Latin Americans, following the Washington Consensus, have been enthusiastic liberalizers. The paper poses the question whether such financial liberalization in particular is wise for the real production side of the economy.
  Remarks:
   
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Is the Financial System Politically Independent? Perspectives on the Political Economy of Banking and Financial Regulation

  Author: Kroszner,Randall S.
Book: University of Chicago Center for the Study of the Economy and the State Working Paper
  Year: 1999 Vol: 151,pages 28.
  This paper investigates the relationship between politics and the banking and financial system and explores the implications of this interdependence for understanding regulations and their reforms. Five complementary positive political economy theories are outlined and applied to understand the pattern of regulation and deregulation in banking and corporate finance. First, the public interest approach considers the maximization of social welfare as the prime motivation for regulation. The private interest theory provides a second approach. This theory emphasizes the strength and organization of interest groups that compete to lobby for protections and privileges. Changing ideology of legislators and voters offers a third alternative. Fourth, the institutional structure of policy-making can affect both the incentives of interest groups to organize and their effectiveness in influencing policy outcomes. Finally, "Leviathan" budgetary considerations of politicians and bureaucrats can motivate regulations that generate funding for government operations. These approaches then help to identify technological, legal, and economic innovations that have been driving the global movement toward financial liberalization and regulatory reform.
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Measuring Financial Development in Sub-Saharan Africa

  Author: Gelbard,Enrique A.; Leite, Sergio Pereira
Book: International Monetary Fund Working Paper
  Year: 1999 Vol: WP/99/105, pages 26.
  This study introduces an index for measuring financial development and a set of six indices representing key characteristics of the financial systems in 38 sub-Saharan African countries. The results show that these countries have made good progress in improving and modernizing their financial systems during the last decade, particularly with regard to financial liberalization and the adoption of indirect instruments of monetary policy. In many countries, however, the range of financial products remains extremely limited, interest rate spreads are wide, capital adequacy ratios are insufficient, judicial loan recovery is a problem, and the share of nonperforming loans is large.
  Remarks:
   
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The Impact of Financial and Fiscal Variables on Economic Growth: The Case of India and Korea

  Author: Dua, Pami; Rashid, Aneesa Ismail; Salvatore, Dominick
Book: International-Economic-Journal
  Year: 2000 Vol: 14(2),pages 133-50.
  This paper applies a simple macroeconomic model developed by Green and Murinde (1993) to Korea and India and studies the potency of fiscal and financial policies. The fiscal variables are real government spending, the income tax rate, and the export tax rate; while financial policy variables are the official interest rate, loans from commercial banks, foreign reserves or the exchange rate and foreign capital inflows. Dummies for political instability and financial reforms specific to the two countries are also included. We find that while government expenditure, income taxes and foreign capital inflows have the same effects in the two countries, interest rates, money supply, foreign reserves and financial liberalization have different effects, bringing out the differences in the two economies.
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A General Outlook of the Turkish Industry and Competitiveness of the Private Sector

  Author: Ocak, B. Safa.
Book: ISE-Review
  Year: 1997 Vol: 1(1),pages 1-11.
  The following article constitutes a speech delivered at the DEIK Conference in London on September 18, 1996. First, it draws a comparison between the 1980s, the decade of economic and financial liberalization and current economic conditions in Turkey. The effects of the Customs Union on Turkish industry since January 1996 have also been analysed. Finally, banking, textile, ceramics, cement, food and iron and steel sectors are analysed in terms of competitiveness within the context of harmonisation of domestic industries with the European Union member countries.
  Remarks:
   
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What Happened to Thai Commercial Banks in the Pre-Asian Crisis Period: Microeconomic Analysis of Thai Banking Industry

  Author: Okuda, Hidenobu; Mieno,Fumiharu
Book: Hitotsubashi-Journal-of-Economics
  Year: 1999 Vol: 40(2),pages 97-121.
  In this paper, it is discussed from the microeconomic perspective how the production activities of Thai domestic commercial banks changed under the progress of the financial liberalization policy during the 1985-94 period. First, using the microeconomic data on Thai domestic banks, we sketch their major business activities. Next, we formally estimate the cost functions of Thai domestic banks and demonstrate that financial liberalization policies promoting market competition helped create more efficient business operations of banks. Our estimation study also suggests that the medium-sized banks, which were the first to fail during the economic crisis in 1997, were deeply involved in unsound business operations and engaged in excessive lending and that appropriate prudential regulations are essential for improving production efficiency while maintaining the sound business operations of banks.
  Remarks:
   
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IMF Conditionality and Objections: The Russian Case

  Author: Martinez Vazquez, Jorge, et al..
Book: American Journal of Economics and Sociology
  Year: 2001 Vol: 60(2), pages 501-17.
  Emerging economies in crisis typically request assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). After evaluating the situation, the IMF makes a loan available to the country, conditional on certain policy reforms. Governments usually resist many of these measures and negotiation ensues. This paper analyzes the most contentious measures of IMF conditionality in the context of Russia after the August 1998 crisis. The most discussed measures include the budget deficit, structural reforms, and exchange rate policy. Our analysis suggests that to some extent the disagreement arose because the IMF is focused on changing steady states somewhat ignoring the transition path, while the Russian government is preoccupied with transitional dynamics without a clearly defined steady state concept.
  Remarks:
   
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Positioning the World Bank

  Author: Gilbert, Christopher; Powell, Andrew; Vines, David
Book: Economic Journal
  Year: 1999 Vol: 109(459), pages F598-633.
  This article examines the rationale for the World Bank and explores whether its objective is best served by its current mix of activities. The authors are critical of the Bank's reliance on conditionality, and advocate evolution into a Knowledge Bank, which would lend with few conditions to countries with good policies and good institutions, and would concentrate on the provision of knowledge and technical assistance, rather than lending, in countries where the policy framework is poor. The authors also advocate an expansion in the Bank's role as a provider of global public goods; they critically examine the Banks role in relation to financial crises.
  Remarks:
   
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Developing Countries and a New Trade Round

  Author: Hiemenz, Ulrich
Book: Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik
  Year: 2000 Vol: 49(1), 2000, pages 70-81
  The paper by Ulrich Hiemenz argues that a better integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system is a key challenge at the beginning of the new millennium. He emphasises that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the WTO would provide a window of opportunity for all participating countries to improve their living standards through better market access, greater domestic efficiency and higher productivity. Developing countries could even benefit more from further trade liberalisation than industrialised countries, provided they implement the domestic policy reforms necessary to capture these benefits.
  Remarks:
   
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Filter rules and stock market trading profits

  Author: Fama, E.F. and Blume, M.
Book: Journal of Business
  Year: 1966 Vol: 39, 226-241
  The authors studies the profitability of filter rules for the U.S. stock market as a test of random walk or efficient market.
  Remarks:
   
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The Stability of moving average technical trading rules on the Dow Jones Index

  Author: LeBaron
Book: Derivative Use, Trading and Regulation
  Year: 2000 Vol: 5, 324-338
  Using the US Dow Jones Industrial Average Index, the author found that technical trading rule profits have fallen recently.
  Remarks:
   
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Data-Snooping, Technical Trading Rule Performance, and the Bootstrap

  Author: Sullivan, Ryan; Timmermann, Allan; White, Halbert
Book: Journal-of-Finance
  Year: 1999 Vol: 54(5), pages 1647-91.
  In this paper the authors utilize White's Reality Check bootstrap methodology (White [1999]) to evaluate simple technical trading rules while quantifying the data-snooping bias and fully adjusting for its effect in the context of the full universe from which the trading rules were drawn. Hence, for the first time, the paper presents a comprehensive test of performance across all technical trading rules examined. The authors consider the study of Brock, Lakonishok, and LeBaron (1992), expand their universe of 26 trading rules, apply the rules to 100 years of daily data on the Dow Jones Industrial Average, and determine the effects of data-snooping.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and beyond

  Author: Robert A Kapp
Book: The China Business Review
  Year: 2001
  As the principal organization of American firms engaged in trade and investment with China, the US-China Business Council has been pouring its energies into supporting the US business presence at this October's glittering Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) events in Shanghai. Above all, that means the APEC CEO Summit, organized this year by the US-China Business Council's friends and colleagues at the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), who have waded into a huge multilateral conference-organizing project with enormous competence, devotion, and apparently inexhaustible energies.
  Remarks:
   
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Hello WTO

  Author: Kathy Wilhelm
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 2001 Vol: Vol. 164, Iss. 24; pg. 20.
  The global economic slowdown is putting new strains on trade liberalization even as China moves to embrace it. China used the June 6-7 meeting of Asia-Pacific trade ministers in Shanghai to jump-start its campaign to join the World Trade Organization, reaching agreement with the US on key issues holding up its membership. China also led the 21 members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in issuing a strong call for a new round of WTO tariff-reduction talks - an unusual role for a non-WTO member. But China's star turn as free-trade cheerleader was overshadowed by simmering trade disputes that burst onto center stage even as the APEC ministers met.
  Remarks:
   
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APEC and electronic commerce: Doubts about US 'hands off' proposal

  Author: Richard D Taylor
Book: Telecommunications Policy
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 23, Iss. 3/4; pg. 345
  The US has proposed a global hands off policy toward regulation and taxation of electronic commerce. It has been aggressively promoting prompt adoption of this policy by other countries and international organizations. The primary beneficiaries of this policy appear to be US companies and consumers. The policy might further exacerbate many problems for developing countries already produced by economic globalization. Objections have come from both developing and developed nations. APEC has been taking a measured approach, initiating a regional process to address issues and policies, and considering the role it can play. Unabated US pressure may lead to further regionalization, rather than globalization.
  Remarks:
   
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Slow train

  Author: Murray Hiebert
Book: Far Eastern Economic Review
  Year: 1998 Vol: Vol. 161, Iss. 47; pg. 20, 2 pgs
  This year's Apec forum in Kuala Lampur is intended to be a crowning achievement for Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's 17-year reign. Instead, it is turning into a major headache for several nations. For almost everyone involved in this year's caucus, there are plenty of risks and few potential gains. Asia's financial and economic woes are expected to top Apec's agenda. Analysts are watching to see if the US takes a leadership role in trying to tackle Asia's economic woes. Tokyo is refusing to move on demands that it cut import tariffs on fish and forestry products, putting Japanese on a collision course with its Apec partners. The US and Australia have warned Japan that its position could derail the summit and prompt other countries to erect trade barriers.
  Remarks:
   
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Pacific Bloc Stalled Over US-China Rift WHO SETS TRADE RULES?

  Author:
Book: Christian Science Monitor
  Year: 1994
  China opposes efforts to create a free-trade zone among the economies of APEC's 18 members by the year 2020 because, in the world's fastest-growing region, Beijing says the Chinese economy is still developing and poorer countries should not suffer if tariff barriers drop. "We believe the development of APEC should ... reflect the rich varieties of the Asian-Pacific region while giving proper preference to members of developing countries," Dai Bingguo, vice foreign minister, said in a news briefing. Beijing says it won't stand for the tougher US stance toward China while other countries have been let off the hook with only vague promises to comply with GATT requirements in agriculture and other sectors. Increasingly angry over the GATT obstacles, Chinese officials charge privately that the US is blocking their GATT admission to counterbalance domestic political damage from the most-favored-nation (MFN) decision last May. "The speed of cooperation of APEC should proceed accordingly, but a speedy success should be avoided," says Mr. Dai, the vice foreign minister. "China attaches great attention to the function of APEC and wishes APEC could play a more active role in promoting cooperation in the Asian-Pacific region."
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Japan's perspective on APEC

  Author: Ishizuka, Masahiko
Book: Asian Business
  Year: 1996 Vol: Vol. 32, Iss. 11; pg. 24, 2 pgs
  Japan naturally takes a strong interest in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the stated objective of which is the economic development and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. Whether Japan can reap benefits from its participation in APEC depends on its ability to exercise leadership to move the 18-member body towards its goal. As the only highly industrialized country in Asia, Japan's position in APEC has always been very delicate, especially in the face of US demands for liberalization by developing countries. In general, Japan has taken sides with the developing countries, which loathe US-style pressures. The basic Japanese assumption is that Asian countries - and ASEAN members in particular - are moving in the direction of liberalization because they think it is in their interests to promote the economic development of Asian "tigers."
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Welfare costs of the US antidumping and countervailing duty laws

  Author: Michale P Gallaway
Book: Journal of International Economics
  Year: 1999 Vol: Vol. 49, Iss. 2; pg. 211
  The antidumping (AD) and countervailing duty (CVD) laws in the US have become the most pervasive form of import relief sought by domestic producers. This paper estimates the collective economic effect of the hundreds of active US AD/CVD orders. Using a computable general equilibrium model, it is estimated that the collective net economic welfare cost in 1993 of these orders to be $4 billion. This welfare estimate is sensitive to various modeling assumptions, which are explored in the paper. With the implementation of the Uruguay Round Agreements, the AD/CVD laws remain one of the costliest programs restraining US trade.
  Remarks:
   
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The effects of the Uruguay Round: empirical evidence from U.S. industry

  Author: Mutti, John; Sampson, Rachelle; Yeung, Bernard
Book: Contemporary Economic Policy
  Year: 2000 Vol: Vol. 18, Iss. 1; pg. 59
  This article uses an event study to evaluate the anticipated results of the Uruguay Round on U.S. industry. Economists commonly use computable general equilibrium (CGE) models to predict the net economic efficiency effects of trade agreements. The event study method represents a complementary approach that relies on stock price movements to assess how investors predict that an event, in this case the conclusion of the Uruguay Round, will affect industry profitability. The empirical estimates indicate that U.S. industries with comparative advantage (disadvantage) experience positive (negative) stock price reactions, reflecting an increase (a decrease) in the industry trade and investment opportunities as well as an increased (decreased) return to existing tangible and intangible assets. For the market as a whole, the variation in stock prices does not differ significantly from zero, and the economic magnitude of industry gains and losses is small. These results are consistent with most CGE assessments and with the skeptical attitude that the real impact of the Uruguay Round Agreement remains uncertain. (JEL F13, F2) Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
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